Belarus
Source: mfa.gov.by

What are Belarus expectations from BRICS foreign ministers meeting?

Today’s global challenges require collective solutions and a revitalized international system. There is an urgent need not only to strengthen our internal capacity but also to adopt a truly multilateral approach to international affairs. In these circumstances it seems reasonable to use a mechanism of interaction that would open up new avenues for expanded cooperation.

Belarus sees the practical embodiment of these ideas in BRICS. In the current geopolitical context, BRICS stays a reputable international platform aimed at uniting the efforts of the large group of states known as the Global South, or the Global Majority, and fostering genuine multipolarity, equality, mutual respect, and inclusiveness in international relations.

Therefore, Belarus’s acquisition of the new status of a BRICS partner state in 2024 was a significant and milestone event for us. Nevertheless, our immediate priority is joining BRICS as a full member as soon as the association is ready for expansion. We share a common view of the world order with the Global Majority, and adhere to unified approaches. Today, when outdated unipolar mechanisms are demonstrating their ineffectiveness and politicization, the role of BRICS as a pillar of a multipolar world, and an integral part of a just world order is becoming critically important. 

As a BRICS partner state, we strive to actively engage in the work of existing multilateral mechanisms of the association within the «BRICS+» format. The Meeting of BRICS Ministers of Foreign Affairs is not an exception. This event provides a wonderful platform for deliberating on global and regional issues, and deepening cooperation within the BRICS framework. 

We believe that strengthening interaction in politics and security is a necessary condition for building a fair multipolar system of international relations. In addition, our activities in BRICS are aimed at sustainable economic development to preserve and enhance human potential, ensure high social standards and a decent quality of life, introduce innovations and the latest technologies.

Moreover, the BRICS countries, their friends and partners have an opportunity to become a new economic force, as the potential of BRICS is enormous – from combating the fragmentation of the multilateral trading system to developing its own mechanism for mutual settlements that minimize the risks of external pressure and global crises, from ensuring global food security to establishing unified rules for the development and use of AI.

Belarus expects to join the BRICS financial institution – the New Development Bank – and to focus on creating qualitative conditions for the development of trade and investment cooperation, developing new secure financial settlement mechanisms and implementing investment projects in the BRICS space.

Of course, our interests and ambitions are much broader. We are ready for comprehensive cooperation within BRICS and call for the active involvement of partner states in the activities of the group. Belarus views BRICS not just as an association, bur as a strategic platform for the future. Its members face ambitious tasks that require coordinated efforts. Belarus is eager to take an active part in this important work. 

What is the current state of Indian-Belarusian relations, and how can they be improved?

Relations between our countries, ever since the Soviet era, have been characterized as close, warm, and open. Indian culture, its unique spiritual traditions, and historical heritage have always aroused genuine interest among Belarusians. 

Next year will mark 35 years since the establishment of diplomatic relations between our countries. We approach this anniversary with a steady dynamic of contacts in all areas – from trade and industry to humanitarian ties and multilateral diplomacy. 

Both countries confirm their commitment to elevating cooperation to a qualitatively new level, reflected in regular political contacts and growing economic activity, including in fundamentally new areas. 

At the end of October 2025, the 8th round of consultations between the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of our countries took place, covering the entire spectrum of relations – from politics and economics to assembly plants and cultural ties. The new Indian Ambassador to Minsk, Mr. Ashok Kumar, is a very active diplomat; together with our Ambassador in New Delhi, Mr. Mikhail Kasko, they are constantly proposing new solutions to strengthen our relations. 

The next meeting of the Intergovernmental Commission on Cooperation in Economics, Trade, Industry, Science, Technology, and Culture between our countries is scheduled for the end of May 2026. We look forward to the visit of Jitin Prasada, Minister of State for Commerce and Industry and Minister of State for Electronics and Information Technology, to Belarus to participate in this event. India's importance to us is also underscored by the high status of our head of this Commission, the Foreign Minister Maxim Ryzhenkov. 

As part of this event, a bilateral business forum is planned, as well as the signing of a number of important policy documents for the years to come. 

For two years now, the Belarusian airline Belavia has been operating a direct flight between Minsk and Delhi, which not only promotes tourism but also fosters business cooperation between the two countries. We also encourage Indian airlines to consider the capabilities of Belarusian airports, both in terms of passenger services and cargo terminals.

What are the priority areas of partnership?

Over the past 10 years, the range of areas of cooperation between Belarus and India has significantly expanded. This is confirmed by the fact that by the end of 2025, the total turnover of goods and services between our countries exceeded $1 billion for the first time in history. 

A key area of the joint work is agriculture. Our country is one of the world leaders in the mineral fertilizer market, and potash fertilizer supplies from Belarus are strategically important for the Indian agricultural sector and food security. 

We are interested in purchasing Indian agricultural products, including spices and tea, which are so popular here. 

Overall, in recent years, the growth of Indian exports to Belarus has been driven by important, and sometimes critical, products such as pharmaceuticals, mechanical engineering, chemicals, and textiles. 

Based on the mutual interest of our business communities, we are also exploring new areas of cooperation. One such area is seafood trade and processing. This topic was discussed during a visit to Minsk this week by a representative delegation of major Indian companies. 

Our countries are currently working on transition from supplying India with fully assembled, complex products – trucks, tractors, buses, and other items – to establishing joint ventures as part of the Indian government's policy of mass production of import-substituting industries. In this context, efforts have intensified to establish joint assembly and localized manufacturing facilities to establish cooperation under the "Make in India" industrialization program and the "Smart Cities" urban development program. And our country truly has much to offer. 

The Indian Government has set an ambitious goal of completely converting urban public transport to environmentally friendly electric traction by 2030. The Republic of Belarus can also make a significant contribution to the transformation of public transport in the country and reducing its environmental impact. Electric transport has been actively used in Belarus for over 20 years. For example, in 2025, 50% of public transport in our capital, Minsk, consisted of electric vehicles. We are ready to share our experience and technologies in this important area. 

Investment opportunities from Indian companies, particularly India's robust pharmaceutical sector, remain significant for the Belarusian economy. Three major investment projects involving Indian capital and pharmaceutical technologies have already been implemented in Belarus. Assistance is being provided for the implementation of new major projects, leveraging Indian expertise and investment. 

When you look at Belarus, its unique geographical location in the center of Europe and its well-developed logistics infrastructure are undeniable. Key trade routes from Asia to Europe pass through our country. Belarus is poised to become a transport hub for India's products destined for Europe and Russia. 

We have an extensive experience collaborating in education. Currently, approximately 1,000 Indian students are studying at Belarusian universities. All of these young professionals defend their diplomas in India upon graduation. This is a small number for India, which is why we are currently actively working on the mutual recognition of higher education diplomas. 

Last year, at the invitation of our President Alexander Lukashenko, two dozen children from India vacationed in Belarus. This July, we again welcome Indian children to our country's picturesque holiday destinations. This humanitarian initiative of our President is being implemented entirely with Belarusian funding.

Cultural exchanges remain an important part of our relations. Indian cinema enjoys immense popularity in Belarus. I am pleased to note that Belarus' leading film studio, Belarusfilm, is already actively collaborating with Indian companies. Indian directors are increasingly visiting Belarus to shoot films and music videos for Bollywood. The participation of Indian competitors at the Listapad International Film Festival in Minsk has become a fine tradition. 

I would like to note that many women in Belarus practice yoga: from classical hatha to ashtanga and yoga therapy.

Regional contacts are developing. 40 years ago, a sister city agreement was signed between the Belarusian capital, Minsk, and the Indian city of Bangalore. Cooperation agreements between the Belarusian regions and the states of Maharashtra, Gujarat, and others are in the pipeline. 

The Belarusian Consulate General in Mumbai has been successfully operating for several years now, providing another diplomatic hub that is actively developing relations between our countries. We are also working to accredit new Belarusian honorary consuls in Indian regions, which will contribute to the further effective rapprochement between our countries.

Thus, the current dynamics and quality of relations between our countries, along with positive examples of cooperation in virtually all areas, demonstrate a strong mutual interest in further developing cooperation. ⁠

How can India-EAEU FTA help India’s presence in Eurasia?

We witness the deepening of global contradictions and the weakening of the Western-centric model of global development. In these circumstances the role and influence of regional organizations uniting the states on the principles of equality, respect for mutual interests, non-interference in internal affairs, and indivisible security, are growing. I am confident that India shares these approaches. 

Belarus, as the founder-country of the Eurasian Economic Union, is interested in expanding the circle of partners and leveraging their potential to implement mutually beneficial projects.

We welcome the activization of work on the draft Free Trade Agreement between the EAEU and India. Successful signing of this ambitious FTA will result in facilitating export/import procedures between partners, reducing or eliminating tariffs on an agreed number of items traded between EAEU and India, and finally in growing turnover. Not only exporters and importers from both sides but, eventually, our citizens will benefit from FTA.

We hope for the speedy achievement of agreements on mutual trade liberalization, which will facilitate the growth of the Belarusian-Indian ties, too.

Russia
Source: mid.ru

On May 14 and 15, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov is scheduled to take part in the meeting of BRICS foreign ministers. Held in New Delhi, it will be chaired by India.

The meeting will include an in-depth exchange of opinions on a wide range of matters dealing with the latest international developments. The ministers will discuss the results of cooperation within the BRICS format over the past 20 years, as well as opportunities for further stepping up their joint efforts in all key areas, including politics and security, the economy and finance, as well as educational, cultural and scientific ties.

The agenda will include breakaway sessions with BRICS partner countries. Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi is expected to receive the BRICS foreign ministers.

India assumed the rotating chairmanship of the BRICS in 2026. This year’s main topic is Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability.

Over 250 events, including about 30 ministerial-level meetings are scheduled to take place as part of the official event programme for this chairmanship.

As the country chairing BRICS, India focuses on reinforcing multipolarity, promoting cooperation for fighting terrorism, as well as reforming global governance institutions, including the United Nations and its Security Council, the IMF and the World Bank, with a focus on enabling developing countries and emerging economies to play a bigger role.

New Delhi is determined to strengthen dialogue on energy security and mitigating the consequences of the energy transition, while also further expanding the BRICS Energy Research Platform. Cooperation in innovation, artificial intelligence and start-ups is also high on the agenda of India’s chairmanship.

Priorities for this year also include stepping up cultural cooperation and people-to-people contacts. There are plans to hold the BRICS Sports Games, the BRICS Cultural Festival, the BRICS Film Festival, the BRICS Theatre Festival, as well as meetings for the youth, expert and academic communities.

Russia has long viewed efforts to strengthen partnerships within the BRICS framework as its priority. Considering the accumulation of contradictions and differences in international affairs and the fact that they are about to reach a critical mass, the association has established itself as the cornerstone of the emerging multipolar world order and a true champion of the Global Majority’s interests.
Cooperation within BRICS is based on the commitment to building a multipolar world order which would be more democratic and representative, based on international law and respecting the sovereign choices states make when choosing their development path.

In this connection, consolidating participants after the expansion of BRICS remains an important objective, which includes enabling partner countries to proactively contribute to hands-on strategic cooperation mechanisms within BRICS.

The Russian Federation is determined to enhance the role of BRICS countries in the international monetary and financial system, promote interbank cooperation, facilitate the transformation of the system of international settlements and make wider use of national currencies in mutual trade between BRICS countries. In particular, there is a special emphasis on Russia’s initiatives which were launched in 2024, including the BRICS Grain Exchange, the Geological Platform and the New Investment Platform.

Ensuring a just and balanced energy transition, climate change adaptation, energy and food security are also among the priorities.

The humanitarian dimension has always been high on the agenda, which includes expanding ties in culture, science and higher education, promoting youth exchanges and sports initiatives. As usual, there is a big emphasis on reinforcing region-to-region ties and promoting deeper dialogue for the civil society.

Russia
Source: mid.ru

On May 13, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov will hold talks with Foreign Minister of the Republic of India Subrahmanyam Jaishankar as part of his visit to New Delhi.4

Russian-Indian relations are self-reliant and resistant to fluctuations in the geopolitical situation. They are based on long-standing friendship and regard for each other’s national interests. Our countries have shared or similar positions on the key contemporary issues. They are united not only by the awareness of the need for a polycentric, democratic world order based on strict compliance with the norms of international law but also by the readiness to jointly confront the challenges and threats of the 21st century. 

The ministers will focus on discussing the progress in implementing the agreements reached during President of Russia Vladimir Putin’s official visit to India in December 2025, as well as preparations for the leaders’ upcoming talks in Russia and the next meeting of the Intergovernmental Russian-Indian Commission on Trade, Economic, Scientific, Technological, and Cultural Cooperation.  They will also exchange views on a broad range of priorities for bilateral collaboration. These include boosting trade, invigorating of efforts to create stable transport, logistical and financial channels protected from unlawful external pressures, intensifying energy cooperation, and expanding contacts in science and space technologies. 

The ministers will exchange views on current international and regional issues, with a special focus on the situation in the Middle East. to the will also compare notes on approaches to cooperation within the UN, BRICS and G20. 

The independent and responsible foreign policies pursued by Russia and India constitute an important factor of global security and stability. Moscow and New Delhi are setting an example of how to successfully in uphold economic and political sovereignty and oppose the neo-imperialist diktat. This record is important for all members of the international community favouring the further development and strengthening of a fair system of international relations.

India
Source: www.mea.gov.in

The BRICS Ministers of Foreign Affairs/International Relations, met on 14 and 15 May 2026 in New Delhi, India. They exchanged views on major global and regional matters. They reaffirmed their commitment to strengthening the framework of BRICS strategic partnership under the three pillars: political and security, economic and financial, cultural and people-to-people exchanges. They reaffirmed their commitment to the BRICS spirit of mutual respect and understanding, equality, solidarity, openness, inclusiveness, and consensus.

2. The Ministers expressed their full support to India’s BRICS Chairship in 2026 under the theme: "Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability”, which reflects that cooperation among BRICS members can help address shared challenges in a balanced and inclusive manner. They reviewed the progress achieved within the BRICS cooperation framework and extended support to enhancing further BRICS cooperation on the thematic priorities of the Chairship, particularly on strengthening capacities, promoting innovation, ensuring sustainable development and resilience.

3. On the landmark occasion of the 20th anniversary of BRICS, the Ministers reiterated their commitment to reforming and improving global governance by promoting a more just, equitable, agile, effective, efficient, responsive, representative, legitimate, democratic and accountable international and multilateral system in the spirit of extensive consultation, joint contribution and shared benefits. The Ministers reiterated their commitment to strengthening multilateralism, multipolarity and upholding international law, including the Purposes and Principles of the Charter of the United Nations (UN) in their entirety and interconnectedness in a balanced and inclusive manner, as its indispensable cornerstone, and the central role of the UN in the international system in which sovereign states cooperate to maintain peace and security, advance sustainable development, ensure the promotion and protection of democracy, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, and promote cooperation based on the spirit of solidarity, mutual respect, justice and equality while respecting national circumstances, diversity of national systems and development pathways, with the aim to build a brighter shared future for the international community based on mutually beneficial cooperation.

4. The Ministers noted the current global context of polarization and distrust and encourage global action to strengthen international peace and security. They called on the international community to respond to these challenges and associated security threats through politico-diplomatic measures to lower conflict potential and stressed the need to engage in conflict prevention efforts, including through addressing their root causes. They underscored that security among all countries is indivisible and reiterated their commitment to the peaceful resolution of international disputes through dialogue, consultation and diplomacy. They encouraged the active role of regional organizations in conflict prevention and resolution and support all efforts conducive to the peaceful settlement of crises. They highlighted, in the context of international disputes, the importance of preventive diplomacy and mediation, with the consent of relevant parties, as essential tools to avoid crises and prevent their escalation, in accordance with the Purposes and Principles of the UN Charter. In this regard, they agreed to explore avenues for cooperation on the prevention of armed conflicts, the UN peacekeeping missions, African Union peace support operations, and mediation and peace processes.

5. The Ministers noted that the current global challenges are complex and interlinked and impede economic growth and sustainable development of countries while accentuating persistent development gaps across countries and regions. They agreed that, in the context of the contemporary realities of the multipolar world, it is crucial that developing countries strengthen their efforts to promote dialogue and consultations for more just and equitable global governance and mutually beneficial relations among nations. They acknowledged that practical and actionable responses, taking into account national priorities and different stages of development, are key to addressing these challenges and reiterated the particular importance of sustainable development and inclusive growth in the UN agenda. In this context, they reaffirmed that BRICS remains an important platform for dialogue, diplomacy and cooperation in advancing practical solutions to common challenges.

6. The Ministers acknowledged that BRICS members represent a broad diversity of societies and civilisations which are affected differently by unjustified unilateral protectionist measures inconsistent with WTO rules, and that BRICS should focus on promoting a just and fair, stable and predictable environment for mutually beneficial sustainable development. Emphasizing the importance of creating more resilient, reliable and stable supply chains, they agreed that BRICS should work towards broader and more equitable participation of developing economies in higher-value added segments of global manufacturing and production, including through trade and investment initiatives, industrial cooperation, development of complementary production capacities and technology transfer on mutually agreed terms based on national priorities. These initiatives will contribute to economic resilience and help mitigate the impacts of multiple economic disruptions.

7. The Ministers appreciated that BRICS under India’s Chairship will further contribute to enhancing cooperation by finding common grounds for achieving practical, actionable, inclusive, development-oriented BRICS partnership through sustained engagements with the Chair’s approach of putting humanity and people at the centre. They welcomed the Chair’s priorities and efforts to enhance BRICS strategic partnership, which would lead to strengthening collective resilience, promotion of innovation-led economic growth, advancing sustainable development, facilitation of people to people contacts and amplifying the voice for greater BRICS representation in global governance.

8. The Ministers recognized the Chair’s priorities such as promoting sustainable, just, orderly, inclusive and equitable energy transitions and ensuring access to technology, taking into account national circumstances, strengthening energy security, fostering climate resilient and sustainable farming, enhancing disaster preparedness and mitigation through integrated early warning systems, advancing science, technology and innovation, including through scientific and research collaboration in health and agriculture, promotion of traditional medicine systems for healthcare and wellness, building robust digital public infrastructure and ensuring resilient global supply chains are important to fostering sustainable development and resilience for Emerging Market and Developing Countries (EMDCs).

9. The Ministers recognized the Chair’s focus on ensuring meaningful digital connectivity, creating vibrant ICT and start-up ecosystem, promoting robust research ecosystem and youth entrepreneurship, facilitation of micro, small and medium enterprises to access finance and markets, enhancing cooperation on digital public infrastructure, leveraging emerging technologies, strengthening capacity building initiatives and skill development would aim at accelerating innovation-led economic growth for EMDCs. They appreciated the ongoing efforts of the Chair to position BRICS as a platform to advance these common priorities.

10. Recognizing the 2023 Johannesburg-II Leaders’ Declaration, the Ministers reiterated their support for a comprehensive reform of the UN, including its Security Council, with a view to making it more democratic, representative, effective and efficient, and to increase the representation of developing countries in the Council’s memberships so that it can adequately respond to prevailing global challenges and support the legitimate aspirations of emerging and developing countries from Africa, Asia and Latin America, including BRICS countries, to play a greater role in international affairs, in particular in the UN, including its Security Council. They recognized the legitimate aspirations of African countries, as reflected in the Ezulwini Consensus and Sirte Declaration. They stressed that the UN Security Council reform is to lead to the amplified voice of the Global South. Recalling the 2022 Beijing and 2023 Johannesburg-II Leaders’ Declarations, China and Russia, as permanent members of the UN Security Council, reiterated their support to the aspirations of Brazil and India to play a greater role in the UN, including its Security Council.

11. The Ministers agreed that, in the context of the contemporary realities of the multipolar world, it is crucial that developing countries strengthen their efforts to promote dialogue and consultations for more just and equitable global governance and mutually beneficial relations among nations. They acknowledged that multipolarity can expand opportunities for EMDCs to develop their constructive potential and enjoy universally beneficial, inclusive and equitable economic globalization and cooperation. They highlighted the importance of the Global South as a driver for positive change, especially in the face of significant international challenges, including deepening geopolitical tensions, rapid economic downturns and technological changes, protectionist measures and migratory challenges. They believed BRICS countries continue to play a pivotal role in voicing the concerns and priorities of the Global South, as well as in promoting a more just, sustainable, inclusive, representative and stable international order based on international law.

12. The Ministers reiterated their commitment to reforming and improving global governance by promoting a more just, equitable, agile, effective, efficient, responsive, representative, legitimate, democratic and accountable international and multilateral system in the spirit of extensive consultation, joint contribution and shared benefits. In this regard, they took note of the adoption of the Pact for the Future at the Summit of the Future, including its two annexes, the Global Digital Compact and the Declaration of Future Generations. Bearing in mind the need to adapt the current architecture of international relations to better reflect the contemporary realities, they reaffirmed their commitment to multilateralism and upholding the international law, including the Purposes and Principles enshrined in the Charter of the UN, in their entirety and interconnectedness as its indispensable cornerstone, and the central role of the UN in the international system, in which sovereign states cooperate to maintain international peace and security, advance sustainable development, ensure the promotion and protection of democracy, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all as well as cooperation based on solidarity, mutual respect, justice and equality. They also reiterated their commitment to ensuring greater and more meaningful participation and representation of Emerging Markets and Developing Countries (EMDCs), as well as Least Developed Countries (LDCs), especially from Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean, in global decision-making processes and structures and making them better attuned to contemporary realities. They also called for achieving equitable geographical representation in the Secretariat of the UN and other international organizations in a timely manner, as well as increasing the role and share of women, especially from EMDCs, at all levels of leadership and responsibilities in these organizations. They stressed the need for the selection and appointment process of the UN executive heads and senior positions to be guided by the principles of transparency and inclusiveness, and carried out in accordance with all the provisions of Article 101 of the UN Charter, with due regard for recruiting staff on a geographical basis as wide as possible and the increased participation of women, and adhere to the general rule that there should be no monopoly on senior posts in the UN system by nationals of any State or group of States. They also deplored attempts, including by deliberately withholding assessed contributions, to unilaterally undermine the work of global multilateral institutions and impair the implementation of their respective mandates.

13. The Ministers welcomed the adoption of UNGA resolution 80/250 on the declaration of the trafficking of enslaved Africans and racialised chattel enslavement of Africans as the gravest crime against humanity. The Ministers advocated the prompt and full implementation of the UNGA Resolution 79/115 of December 2024 in order to eradicate colonialism in all its forms and manifestations.

14. The Ministers underscored the key role of the G20 as the premier global forum for international economic cooperation that provides a platform for dialogue of both emerging and developed economies on an equal and mutually beneficial footing for jointly seeking shared solutions to global challenges, fostering multipolar world and ensuring open, non-discriminatory, fair, inclusive international economic system and value chains. They reaffirmed their willingness to work collectively to preserve the legacy of the G20 BRICS states’ consecutive presidencies – Indonesia, India, Brazil and South Africa – in 2022-2025 and further amplify the voice of the Global South in the global economic governance system so G20 adequately reflects EMDEs’ rising weight in the global economy and integrate their priorities in its agenda. They saluted strengthening of the EMDEs voice in the G20 through the accession of the African Union during India’s Presidency of G20 in 2023 and the invitation of the NDB during Brazilian and South African Presidency including by their closer interaction and alignment. They recognized the importance of the continued and productive functioning of the G20, based on its economic mandate, consensus decision making, depoliticized processes, integrity and inadmissibility of arbitrary revision of its membership.

15. In light of the ongoing selection process of the next Secretary-General of the UN and bearing in mind the relevant provisions of the UN Charter, the Ministers noted that only one national from Latin America and Caribbean has ever occupied this position and that no woman was ever elected for the role of Secretary General.

16. The Ministers reiterated the urgent need to reform the Bretton Woods Institutions (BWI) to make them more agile, effective, inclusive, unbiased, accountable, and representative towards enhancing their legitimacy and credibility. They called for reforms in their governance to reflect transformation of the global economy since their establishment, improved management procedures, including through a merit-based and inclusive selection process as well as enhanced representation of Emerging Market and Developing Economies (EMDEs) in the leadership of the IMF and the WB. They urged for the timely implementation of the 16th Review of Quotas. They welcomed the Diriyah Guiding Principles for Quota and Governance Reforms, and called for meaningful quota realignment under the 17th General Review of Quotas at the earliest possible time that should not come at the expense of developing countries, while reflecting countries’ relative positions in the global economy, reduce representation gaps, while protecting the quota shares of the poorest members and increase the shares of EMDEs. They reaffirmed that the 2025 World Bank Shareholding Review is a critical tool to strengthen multilateralism and enhance the legitimacy of the World Bank Group, as a better, bigger, and more effective development finance institution. In line with the Lima Principles, they reaffirmed that BRICS countries should continue to advocate for the increased voice and representation of developing countries, underpinned by a shareholding realignment that corrects their historic underrepresentation.

17. The Ministers underscored the importance of the efforts to facilitate fast, low-cost, more accessible, efficient, transparent, and safe cross-border payments among BRICS countries and other nations which can support greater trade and investment flows. In this regard, they encouraged the continuation of discussions of BRICS Cross-Border payments initiative and of reinforcing the BRICS reinsurance capacity.

18. Recalling the BRICS Declaration on World Trade Organization Reform and Strengthening of the Multilateral Trading System, the Ministers reaffirmed their unwavering support for strengthening a non-discriminatory, open, equitable, transparent, fair, inclusive, and rules-based multilateral trading system, with the WTO at its core while upholding the fundamental principles such as Most Favoured Nation Treatment and Special & Differential Treatment for developing members, including LDCs, which is in line with the outcomes of the 14th WTO Ministerial Conference. They expressed commitment to remain actively engaged in multilateral negotiations in Geneva, especially in the debates regarding the reform of the WTO. In this regard, they noted the dialogue within the BRICS Informal Consultative Framework on the challenges undermining the effectiveness and credibility of the WTO and solutions to these challenges. They strongly advocated for the immediate restoration of an accessible, effective, fully-functioning, two-tier binding WTO dispute settlement mechanism as a foundation for trust, predictability, for all members, and the appointment of new appellate body members without further delay. They looked forward to working towards strengthening the organization through necessary reform while upholding the fundamental principles of WTO and facilitating the negotiation process within WTO framework and to restoring the credibility of the multilateral trading system. They strongly supported an expedited successful conclusion of ongoing negotiations on the accession of BRICS Members to the WTO. The Ministers recognized China’s announcement of not seeking new special and differential treatment in current and future WTO negotiations.

19. The Ministers condemned the imposition of unilateral coercive measures that are contrary to international law, and reiterated that such measures, inter alia in the form of unilateral economic sanctions and secondary sanctions, have far-reaching negative implications for the human rights, including the rights to development, health and food security, of the general population of targeted states, disproportionally affecting the poor and people in vulnerable situations, deepening the digital divide and exacerbating environmental challenges. They called for the elimination of such unlawful measures, which undermine international law and the principles and purposes of the UN Charter. They reaffirmed that BRICS member states do not impose or support non-UN Security Council authorized sanctions that are contrary to international law.

20. Recalling the exchange of views held at the BRICS Deputy Foreign Ministers and Special Envoys meeting, which took place in New Delhi, on 24th April 2026, the Ministers expressed deep concern on the recent developments in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region.

21. There were differing views among some members as regard to the situation in the West Asia/Middle East region. BRICS members expressed their respective national positions and shared a range of perspectives. Views articulated by them included the need for an early resolution of the current crisis, the value of dialogue and diplomacy, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, upholding international law, the importance of safe and unimpeded flow of maritime commerce through international waterways, and the protection of civilian infrastructure and civilian lives. The impact of recent developments on the global economic situation was stressed by many members.

22. The Ministers reaffirmed their commitment to strengthening multilateral cooperation to address humanitarian crises worldwide and expressed concern at the dwindling of international responses. They strongly condemned all violations of international humanitarian law, including deliberate attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure, as well as the denial or obstruction of humanitarian access and the targeting of humanitarian personnel. They underlined the need to address accountability for all violations of international humanitarian law. They recognized international efforts undertaken by BRICS members to promote respect for, adherence to, and effective implementation of International Humanitarian Law.

23. The Ministers took note of the adoption of UNSC Resolution 2803. They called for the implementation of the relevant UNGA and UNSC Resolutions, and urged all parties to ensure the maintenance of ceasefire and full and unhindered humanitarian access in the Gaza Strip.

24. The Ministers reaffirmed that a just and lasting solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict can only be achieved by peaceful means and depends on the fulfilment of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, including the rights to self-determination and return. They reaffirmed their support for the State of Palestine’s full membership in the UN in the context of the unwavering commitment to the two-state solution, in accordance with international law, including relevant UN Security Council and General Assembly resolutions, and the Arab Peace Initiative, that includes the establishment of a sovereign, independent and viable State of Palestine within the internationally recognized 1967 borders, which included the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, with East Jerusalem as its capital, in order to achieve the vision of two States living side by side, in peace and security. They affirmed the need for adequate representation of Palestine in all relevant international organizations, including multilateral financial institutions, and access to their resources.

25. The Ministers reiterated their grave concern about the situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, with the resumption of continuous Israeli attacks against Gaza and obstruction of the entry of humanitarian aid into the territory. They called for adherence to international law, in particular to international humanitarian law and international human rights law, and condemned all violations of IHL, including the use of starvation as a method of warfare. They also condemned attempts to politicize or militarize humanitarian assistance. They exhorted the parties to engage in good faith in further negotiations to achieve an immediate, permanent and unconditional ceasefire, the full withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Gaza Strip and all other parts of the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the release of all hostages and detainees held in violation of international law, and sustained and unhindered access and delivery of humanitarian aid. They reasserted their steadfast support for UNRWA and stressed the need to fully respect the mandate, bestowed on it by the UNGA, for the provision of basic services to Palestine refugees in its five fields of operations. They called on all relevant parties to respect their obligations under international law and act with utmost restraint and to avoid escalatory actions and provocative declarations. They noted, in this regard, the provisional measures of the International Court of Justice in the legal proceedings instituted by South Africa against Israel, which, inter alia, reaffirmed Israel’s legal obligation to ensure the provision of humanitarian aid in Gaza.

26.* The Ministers recalled that the Gaza Strip is an inseparable part of the Occupied Palestinian Territory. They underlined, in this regard, the importance of unifying the West Bank and the Gaza Strip under the Palestinian Authority, and reaffirmed the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, including the right to their independent State of Palestine. They called on the international community to support the Palestinian Authority in undergoing reforms to fulfil the Palestinians’ legitimate aspirations for independence and statehood.

*A member had reservation on some aspects of this paragraph.

27. The Ministers recalled the ceasefire agreement in Lebanon and called on all parties to strictly adhere to its terms and to fully implement UNSC Resolution 1701. They condemned the continued violations of the ceasefire and of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon. They called on Israel to respect the terms agreed with the Lebanese government and to withdraw its occupying forces from all of the Lebanese territory, including the five sites in Southern Lebanon in which they remain.

28. The Ministers highlighted the vital role played by UNIFIL and agreed it is imperative to ensure the safety, security, and freedom of movement of all UN personnel and equipment, as well as to respect the integrity of UN premises. They condemned all attacks against UNIFIL installations and personnel and emphasized that such attacks are a violation of international law and UN Security Council Resolution 1701. They also extended their deepest condolences for the loss of three Indonesian peacekeepers and two French peacekeepers serving under UNIFIL and expressed solidarity with all Troop Contributing Countries affected. They expressed their condemnation over the incidents that led to these fatalities and reiterated that the safety and security of the UN peacekeepers are non-negotiable. They underscored the importance of respecting the role and mandate of UNIFIL in supporting the Government of Lebanon and in creating space for a political solution. In this regard, they called on all parties to guarantee the safety and freedom of movement of UNIFIL personnel and assets, as well as the inviolability of the UN premises.

29.* The Ministers stressed the importance of ensuring the exercise of navigational rights and freedoms of vessels of all states in the Red Sea and Bab Al-Mandab Strait, in accordance with international law. They encouraged enhanced diplomatic efforts by all parties to that end, including by addressing the causes of the conflict, and continued support for dialogue and Yemen’s peace process under UN auspices. They further underscored the urgency of addressing the humanitarian crisis in Yemen including food security and access to basic services. They stressed the need that efforts to achieve long-term stability, prosperity, and security requires roles and contributions of countries of the region.

*A member had reservations on some aspects of this paragraph.

30. The Ministers expressed grave concern over the deteriorating situation in Sudan, including the worsening humanitarian crisis and the growing risk of proliferation of extremism and terrorism. They reiterated their positions in this regard and called for an immediate, permanent ceasefire and for a peaceful resolution of the conflict through dialogue. They also stressed the need for sustained, urgent and unhindered access to humanitarian assistance for the Sudanese population, and for the scaling up of humanitarian aid to Sudan and neighbouring countries. They reiterated the principle of "African solution to African problems” should continue to serve as the basis for conflict resolution and called for a coordinated approach among peace efforts.

31. The Ministers reaffirmed their commitment to the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of Syria and called on all parties to ensure a peaceful and inclusive political transition, in a manner that ensures the security and well-being of the civilian population and upholding the rights of minorities. They encouraged the international community to support the post-conflict reconstruction and rehabilitation of Syria. They stressed their continued support for the efforts for an inclusive Syrian-led and Syrian-owned, UN facilitated political process, free from foreign interference, based on the principles of UNSC resolution 2254 (2015), where all political and social components of Syria’s society are represented and protected. They highlighted the urgency of addressing the issue of foreign terrorist fighters given the serious risk they pose to Syria’s and regional stability and security. They urged Syria to firmly oppose all forms of terrorism and extremism and take concrete actions to respond to concerns of the international community about terrorism. They further reaffirmed the necessity of the withdrawal of occupying forces from Syria.

32. Underlining the character of Latin America and the Caribbean as a zone of peace, built on mutual respect, peaceful settlement of disputes and non-intervention, the Ministers expressed concern over evolving situation relating to Cuba. In this regard, they reiterated the necessity of ending the economic, commercial and financial measures against Cuba in accordance with UNGA Resolution A/79/80.

33. The Ministers reiterated their commitment to the full implementation and advancement of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda and further reiterated the importance of ensuring the full, equal, safe, and meaningful participation of women in decision-making at all levels of peace and security processes, including conflict prevention and resolution, humanitarian relief, mediation, peace operations, peacebuilding, and post-conflict reconstruction and development.

34. The Ministers expressed strong condemnation of any acts of terrorism as criminal and unjustifiable, regardless of their motivation, whenever, wherever and by whomsoever committed. They condemned in the strongest terms the terrorist attack in Jammu and Kashmir on 22 April 2025, during which 26 people were killed and many more injured. They reaffirmed their commitment to combating terrorism in all its forms and manifestations, including the cross-border movement of terrorists, terrorism financing and safe havens. They reiterated that terrorism should not be associated with any religion, nationality, civilization or ethnic group and that all those involved in terrorist activities and their support must be held accountable and brought to justice in accordance with relevant national and international law. They urged to ensure zero tolerance for terrorism and rejected double standards in countering terrorism. They emphasized the primary responsibility of States in combating terrorism and that global efforts to prevent and counter terrorist threats must fully comply with their obligations under international law, including the Charter of the UN, in particular the purposes and principles thereof, and relevant international conventions and protocols, in particular international human rights law, international refugee law and international humanitarian law, as applicable. They welcomed the activities of the BRICS Counter-Terrorism Working Group (CTWG) and its five Subgroups based upon the BRICS Counter-Terrorism Strategy, the BRICS Counter-Terrorism Action Plan and the CTWG position paper. They looked forward to further deepening counter-terrorism cooperation. They called for an expeditious finalization and adoption of the Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism in the UN framework. They called for concerted actions against all UN designated terrorists and terrorist entities.

35. The Ministers also emphasized the importance of countering extremism and radicalization specially among the younger generations, and further stressed the need to enhance cooperation among the BRICS Countries and their competent authorities, including through sharing best practices.

36. The Ministers expressed their concerns about illicit financial flows including terror financing, trafficking of firearms, trafficking in persons, the laundering of drug related crimes proceeds, use of ICTs for criminal purposes illegal virtual asset flows, corruption and related illicit activities, money laundering, financial fraud through organized crimes and circumvention of domestic regulatory frameworks that have adverse impact on economic stability, sustainable development and the integrity of the international financial system and organized crime. They also expressed concern about terrorist financing. They recognized that these activities, including the illicit use of virtual assets and violations of domestic regulatory frameworks, may adversely affect economic stability, sustainable development and the integrity of the international financial system. They expressed serious concerns over the proliferation of organized scam networks, including cross-border fraud operations and so-called scam compounds, which exploit digital technologies, payment systems and individuals in vulnerable situations. They underlined the importance of coordinated international action to dismantle these illegal networks, trace and recover criminal proceeds, protect victims, and prevent the misuse of financial institutions and emerging payment methods for large-scale fraud. They further stressed the need to enhance cross-border cooperation among customs authorities, financial intelligence units, law enforcement agencies, tax authorities and supervisory bodies, including through relevant existing BRICS Working Groups and based on the documents adopted in BRICS, as well as the relevant international legal instruments to which the BRICS countries are parties, telecommunication providers and technology platforms including through improved information-sharing, risk-based approach, use of data analytics and capacity-building, to effectively identify, detect and disrupt money laundering schemes involving both goods and services, including those exploiting the misuse of invoicing practices, professional services and cross-border contractual arrangements. They encouraged enhanced cooperation in strengthening digital financial security, including prevention of fraud in cross-border payment systems.

37. The Ministers recognized the need to ensure the use of space systems, as well as the achievements of space science and technologies, for peaceful purposes. They also reasserted the support for ensuring the long-term sustainability of outer space activities and prevention of an arms race in outer space (PAROS) and of its weaponization, as well as the threats or use of force against outer space objects, including through negotiations to adopt a relevant legal multilateral instrument to ensure global security. They recognized the submission of the updated Draft Treaty on the Prevention of the Placement of Weapons in Outer Space, the Threat or Use of Force against Outer Space Objects (PPWT) to the Conference on Disarmament in 2014 as an important step towards this goal. They stressed that practical and non-binding commitments such as Transparency and Confidence-Building Measures (TCBMs), and universally agreed norms, rules, and principles may also contribute to PAROS. They noted the initiative of some BRICS Members at the General Assembly to create a single Open-Ended Working Group to enable coherent, inclusive and effective discussions that serves such purpose and undertake to engage constructively in the process, on the basis of existing achievements, including on substantial elements on a legally binding instrument on PAROS.

38. The Ministers emphasized that all affordable, reliable, and sustainable energy sources and technologies, including low-emission and renewable options, play an important role in achieving the SDGs and energy security. They reaffirmed the importance of advancing just, inclusive, orderly and equitable energy transitions, in line with national circumstances and development priorities. They underscored the role of diversified energy sources, resilient energy supply chains and enhanced cooperation among BRICS countries through deliberations in the energy track.

39. The Ministers reaffirmed their commitment to promote BRICS cooperation in the prevention of and fight against corruption and to the continued implementation of relevant international agreements in this regard, in particular the UN Convention against Corruption. They welcomed the work of the BRICS Anti-Corruption Working Group to foster collaboration on anti-corruption matters, including the formulation of the BRICS Common Vision and Joint Action on Enhanced Anti-Corruption Cooperation and Recovery and Return of Assets and Proceeds of Corruption, promotion of denial of safe haven and strengthening capacity-building among the member countries. They called upon the international community to strengthen cooperation in asset recovery and return of fugitive corruption offenders in accordance with international law.

40. The Ministers recognized that BRICS countries are key players in world food production and, as such, have a critical role in enhancing agricultural productivity and sustainability, and ensuring global food security and nutrition. They emphasized the importance of ensuring food security and nutrition and mitigating the impacts of acute food price volatility, as well as abrupt supply crises, including fertilizers shortage. In this regard, they acknowledged the importance of continued elaboration of the initiative to establish a grain trading platform within BRICS (the BRICS Grain Exchange) and its subsequent development and expanding into other agricultural products and commodities. They supported further discussions on national policies and on international coordination that enhance food availability, accessibility, utilization, stability and affordability, as well as relevant agricultural and food production inputs in BRICS and other developing countries – including those that strengthen national capacities to respond to supply disruptions, such as national food reserve systems. Building on the Deccan High-Level Principles on Food Security and Nutrition, they also recognized the Global Alliance Against Hunger and Poverty as an important initiative to promote international cooperation. They also looked forward to advance discussions on facilitating intra-BRICS trade of agricultural products, agricultural and food production inputs, and improve value chains and sustainable agricultural practices. They also recognized that family farmers, including smallholders, pastoralists, artisanal and small-scale fishers and aquaculture producers, indigenous peoples and local communities, women and youth, are essential stakeholders of agriculture and food systems.

41. The Ministers looked forward to further promoting transport dialogue, including in civil aviation, to meet the demands of all stakeholders and to enhance the BRICS countries’ transport potential while also respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all member states while carrying out transport cooperation. They reaffirmed the commitment of BRICS countries to develop sustainable and resilient transport infrastructure, recognizing its critical role in economic growth, connectivity, and environmental sustainability.

42. The Ministers noted that the multilateral trading system has long been at a crossroads. The proliferation of trade-restrictive actions, whether in the form of indiscriminate rising of tariffs and non-tariff measures, or protectionism under the guise of environmental objectives, threatens to further reduce global trade, disrupt global supply chains, and introduce uncertainty into international economic and trade activities, potentially exacerbating existing economic disparities and affecting prospects for global economic development. They voiced serious concerns about the rise of unilateral tariff and non-tariff measures which distort trade and are inconsistent with WTO rules.

43. The Ministers stressed their commitment to uphold multilateralism as necessary to address challenges threatening their shared planet and future such as climate change. They resolved to remain united in the pursuit of the purpose and goals of the Paris Agreement and the objectives of the UNFCCC and called on all countries to uphold their existing commitment as Parties to the UNFCCC and its Paris Agreement and to maintain and scale up their effort to combat climate change. They further reaffirmed their steadfast commitment, in pursuit of the objective of the UNFCCC, to tackle climate change by strengthening the full and effective implementation of the Paris Agreement, including its provisions related to mitigation, adaptation and the provision of means of implementation to developing countries, reflecting equity and the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities, in light of different national circumstances. They also recognized that high debt burdens further constrain climate and development investment in many developing countries and called for coordinated international action to enhance debt sustainability, expand fiscal space, and support sustainable development and climate financing. They encouraged BRICS cooperation in this regard in the Contact Group on Climate Change and Sustainable Development.

44. The Ministers recognised the successful hosting of the 30th Conference of the Parties (COP30) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) by Brazil in 2025 and welcomed its outcomes in advancing global climate action and focusing on the implementation of the Paris Agreement. They further recognized the important contribution of previous COP Presidencies, including Egypt’s COP27 and UAE’s COP28 Presidencies in advancing action on adaptation, finance and loss and damage. They also supported hosting of the COP32 by Ethiopia, including its action agenda and priorities, which would further strengthen international climate action, and advance participation and leadership of developing countries. They further underscored the importance of ensuring continuity of implementation and delivering practical outcomes across successive COP Presidencies.

45. The Ministers reaffirmed that cooperation within and through BRICS is fundamental to contributing to the global effort towards a sustainable future and equitable and just transitions for all. They underscored the importance of the conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity, of the fair, equitable sharing of benefits arising from the utilization of genetic resources and of the effective implementation of the Convention on Biological Diversity, its Protocols, and its Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework. They appreciated the establishment of the Kunming Biodiversity Fund and the contribution made by the Government of China and recognized its significant role in supporting developing countries for their biodiversity conservation. The Ministers recognized the active role of BRICS countries in the COP16 negotiations, particularly with regard to resource mobilization. The Ministers urged developed countries to ensure the provision of adequate, effective, predictable, timely and accessible financial resources to developing countries, as well as to improve capacity building, development and transfer of technology to developing countries for the conservation, sustainable use and fair and equitable sharing of benefits arising from the use of biodiversity. They underscored the critical role of all types of forests, including tropical forests, for conserving biodiversity, preserving water basins and soils and providing timber and non-timber forest products of high value for economic sectors, regulating hydrological cycles, as well as combatting desertification and land degradation and serving as vital carbon sinks. In that regard, they recognised the 2026 UN Water Conference and looked forward to advancing progress and discussions to accelerate implementation of Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 6 on Clean Water and Sanitation. They also took note of the "United for Our Forests” initiative, which promotes the conservation, sustainable management, and restoration of these essential tropical ecosystems. They took note of the Mangrove Alliance for Climate co-led by the UAE and Indonesia as platforms for international cooperation. While appreciating the efforts of BRICS countries to preserve rare species and noting the high vulnerability of big cats, they took note of the Republic of India’s initiative to create an International Big Cats Alliance and encourage BRICS countries to work together to the conservation of big cats.

46. The Ministers welcomed the launch of the Tropical Forest Forever Facility at the Belém Climate Summit and recognized it as an innovative mechanism designed to mobilize long-term, results-based financing for tropical forest conservation. They encouraged potential donor countries to announce ambitious contributions, in order to ensure the Facility’s capitalization and timely operationalization.

47. The Ministers underscored that strengthening the resilience of infrastructure systems to climate and disaster risks is vital for achieving sustainable development. In this regard, they acknowledged the role of the Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure (CDRI) as an international partnership for supporting member and partner countries in integrating resilience across infrastructure systems through technical assistance, knowledge exchange, enabling policy and financing approaches. They also underscored the importance of investing in building sustainable resilience, prioritising prevention and taking anticipatory action, rooted in evidence-based policy making. They also underscored the importance of enhancing early warning systems and risk-informed planning to strengthen preparedness and response capacities.

48. The Ministers welcomed the deepening of cooperation in global health initiatives, including within the World Health Organization (WHO), and underscore d the importance of equitable, accessible, and resilient health systems through strengthened collaboration and capacity-building initiatives. In this context, they noted the ongoing negotiations on the Pathogen Access and Benefit-Sharing (PABS) Annex to the WHO Pandemic Agreement and its role in strengthening global preparedness, prevention and response to health emergencies. They reaffirmed their commitment to advancing collaboration across emerging priority areas, including digital health, antimicrobial resistance (AMR), and nuclear medicine. They noted the contributions of traditional medicine systems to preventive care, medical treatment, rehabilitation, holistic well-being, and community-based health practices. They supported the activities of the BRICS R&D Vaccine Center, further development of the BRICS Integrated Early Warning System for prevention and response to mass infectious diseases, the operations of the BRICS TB Research Network and the implementation of the Partnership for the elimination of socially determined diseases.

49. The Ministers recognized that Artificial Intelligence presents immense opportunity to stimulate economic growth and sustainable development for all. They further noted that international cooperation in enhancing accessibility of AI resources while ensuring its safety, security, inclusiveness and reliability, for promoting energy efficiency of AI systems, fostering AI Science and Innovation, developing trustworthy AI technologies, leveraging AI for economic growth and social good and mitigating potential risks would be essential for promoting a just, fair, equitable and prosperous future of all countries, especially those of Global South. They congratulated India on the successful holding of the AI Impact Summit in February 2026 and acknowledged that the Summit will contribute to strengthening international cooperation to advance common priorities. They also acknowledged the World AI Conference & High-Level Meeting on Global AI Governance in Shanghai and its contribution in strengthening AI international cooperation for good and for all. They committed to implement the BRICS Leaders’ Statement on the Global Governance of Artificial Intelligence.

50. The Ministers encouraged strengthening BRICS Labour cooperation in promoting high-quality, full and productive employment through sustainable development and inclusive, human-centered labour markets. They recognized that Artificial Intelligence is transforming labour relations, creating new employment opportunities but also posing challenges such as job displacement and inequality.

51. The Ministers called for the protection of cultural heritage, including in regions affected by conflict, to prevent the destruction and illicit trafficking of cultural property, which is vital for preserving the history and identity of affected communities, as well as on the need to ensure the restitution and repatriation of cultural heritage and antiquities to their country of origin.

52. The Ministers recognized the transformative impact of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) as a key driver of socio-economic growth and digital transformation in BRICS countries and reaffirmed their commitment to further strengthening collaboration in this regard, based on each country’s national priorities and international commitments. They reaffirmed their support for an open, safe, secure, stable, accessible, peaceful, and interoperable ICT environment while respecting sovereignty and national security of each country and stressed the importance of the Global Mechanism on Developments in the Field of ICTs in the Context of International Security and Advancing Responsible States Behaviour in the Use of ICTs. They underscored the central role of the UN in fostering constructive dialogue to forge common understandings on security in the use of ICTs including discussions on developing a universal legal framework in this realm, further observation of universally agreed norms, rules and principles for responsible behaviour of States in the use of ICTs. They encouraged all States to consider signing and ratifying the UN Convention against Cybercrime, in accordance with domestic laws, processes and procedures, in order to ensure its rapid entry into force to enhance international cooperation in combating cybercrime.

53. The Ministers recognised the progress made in promoting BRICS cooperation in accordance with the Roadmap of Practical Cooperation on Ensuring Security in the Use of ICTs, and its progress report. They emphasized the importance of promoting the use of ICT for peaceful and developmental purposes and in a more inclusive, accessible, sustainable and interoperable manner, and ensuring that its applications remain people centered. They called for concerted and inclusive efforts to address the challenges stemming from and within the digital realm such as threat to security in the use of ICTs, malicious software, data security, and the misuse of technologies including cybercrime, misinformation, hate-speech, disinformation and deepfakes. They called for a comprehensive, balanced, and objective approach to the development and security of ICT products and systems as well as for the development and implementation of globally interoperable common rules and standards for supply chain security. They emphasized the growing importance of telecommunications for the preservation of peace and the economic and social development.

54. The Ministers underscored the importance of cooperation in Science, Technology and Innovation (STI) as a driver for economic development and improved quality of life of the people in the BRICS nations. They welcomed the progress on the discussions of the technical and economic feasibility study for the establishment of the high-speed communication network through submarine cables between BRICS countries to promote digital infrastructure connectivity, capacity enhancement and common development. In this context, they welcomed the establishment of the BRICS Submarine Cable Task Force to advance discussions.

55. The Ministers underscored the important role of BRICS economies in fostering innovation, advancing technological cooperation, including in areas related to Industry 4.0, and promoting deeper engagement among start-ups and SMEs through intra-BRICS initiatives and exchanges. They acknowledged the importance of strengthening cooperation under the Partnership on the New Industrial Revolution (PartNIR). They encouraged members to join the BRICS Center for Industrial Competences (BCIC) in cooperation with United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO). They appreciated the launch of the BRICS Startup Knowledge Hub under the BRICS Startup Forum and reaffirmed their commitment to further strengthening collaboration in this regard.

56. As the New Development Bank embarks on its second golden decade of high-quality development, the Ministers recognized and supported its growing role as a robust and strategic agent of development and modernization in the Global South. They highlighted the growing role of the New Development Bank (NDB) in meeting the development priorities and infrastructure needs of EMDCs. They encouraged further efforts by the Bank to expand steadily its capacity to mobilize resources, foster innovation, expand local currency financing, diversify funding sources, and support impactful projects that advance sustainable development, reduce inequality, and promote infrastructure investments and economic integration. They recognized NDB as a crucial BRICS institution for promoting sustainable development, reducing inequalities, and supporting resilience in emerging economies. They encouraged the NDB to follow the member-led and demand-driven principle, and the ongoing strengthening of its governance framework, which enhance the Bank’s institutional resilience and operational effectiveness, to continue executing its purpose and functions in a fair and non-discriminatory manner. They reiterated support for the further expansion of NDB membership and expedited consideration of applications of interested BRICS countries, in line with the NDB General Strategy and its related policies. They expressed their appreciation to Russia for holding the 11th NDB Annual Meeting in Moscow on the 14-15 May 2026 as the Chair of the Board of Governors of the New Development Bank.

57. The Ministers reiterated the importance of enhancing partnerships and benefitting from co-financing opportunities with other major Multilateral Development Banks (MDBs).

58. The Ministers also called for strengthening the Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA) and encouraged greater participation of new members in its operations. They valued the participation of new BRICS members who have expressed interest in joining the CRA and they are committed to onboarding them on a voluntary basis and according to country specific circumstances. They welcomed the progress on the Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA), including the consensus reached by the Technical Team on the proposal for the revised Treaty and regulations.

59. The Ministers reaffirmed the importance of BRICS people-to-people exchanges in enhancing mutual understanding, friendship and cooperation, and appreciated Indian chairship priorities in this regard. They acknowledged that people-to-people exchanges play an essential role in enriching our societies and developing our economies. They called for more efforts to respect diversity of cultures, highly value inheritance, innovation and creativity, jointly advocate robust international people-to-people exchanges and cooperation and recalled the adoption of the UNGA resolution A/RES/78/286 entitled "International Day for Dialogue among Civilizations.

60. The Ministers noted that the BRICS expansion reflects its influence, credibility, and appeal as an important platform for inclusive global governance. They underscored the need for outcome oriented enhanced coordination, continuity and support for a long-term institutional development. They reaffirmed that institutional development is a continuous and dynamic process that should reflect needs and priorities of BRICS countries. In this regard, they welcomed the progress on the establishment of BRICS Online Archival Database and looked forward to further discussions for its early operationalisation as well as considering Chair’s initiative of MoU stocktaking exercise contributing to strengthening institutional development.

61. In light of the expansion of BRICS, the Ministers encouraged the further consideration of proposals on the order of rotation of the BRICS Chairship with the view to present the outcome for consideration of Leaders by the upcoming Summit in New Delhi.

62. The Ministers recognised valuable contribution of Partner countries to BRICS cooperation. They underscored their strong belief that advancing the BRICS partnership with EMDCs would further contribute to strengthening the spirit of solidarity and true international cooperation for the benefit of all. They reaffirmed their commitment to consolidate and strengthen BRICS in line with the spirit of mutual respect and understanding, sovereign equality, solidarity, openness, inclusiveness, collaboration, continuity, full consultation and consensus.

63. The Ministers expressed their appreciation to India for holding the meeting of BRICS Ministers of Foreign Affairs/International Relations and extended their full support to BRICS Chairship of India in 2026. They expressed their commitment to working together to ensure the success of the XVIII BRICS Summit. They looked forward to the next BRICS Ministers of Foreign Affairs/International Relations meeting to be held on the margins of UNGA 81 and hosted by China as incoming 2027 BRICS Chair.
New Delhi
May 15, 2026

South Africa
Source: dirco.gov.za

Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, Mr Ronald Lamola, has arrived in New Delhi, Republic of India. He joins his counterparts for the Meeting of BRICS Ministers of Foreign Affairs/International Relations, hosted under India’s BRICS Chairship on 14 and 15 May 2026.
The meeting is convened under the theme: Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation, and Sustainability (BRICS). The 2026 agenda is characterised by a profound commitment to a humanity-first orientation, signalling an approach to strengthen multilateralism and fostering inclusive development during this pivotal era of global transformation.

BRICS Foreign Ministers will also deliberate and call for enhanced efforts to de-escalate and promote a pacific resolution of conflicts raging in different parts of the world, including the Middle East.
Minister Lamola expressed his confidence that these high-level deliberations will further cultivate the strategic synergy between BRICS member states, BRICS Partner countries and all international partners.

“Our presence here represents a concerted effort to shape a global architecture that is as sustainable as it is equitable,” Minister Lamola stated. “Through principled engagement and collaborative resolve, we seek to secure a future that honours the aspirations of all nations.”

Occupying a unique position as a foundational pillar of the bloc, South Africa continues to serve as the vital nexus between the African continent’s developmental objectives and the vanguard of global innovation.

South Africa’s participation is anchored in a long-standing tradition of principled advocacy, focusing on three core imperatives:

• Equity and Inclusivity: Promoting a balanced international order that upholds the sovereign interests of all states, fostering a more just global community.
• ⁠The Modernisation of Global Governance: Championing the reform of international political and financial institutions to ensure that they remain representative of the contemporary geopolitical landscape.
• The Synthesis of African and Global Progress: Ensuring that the priorities of the African continent are seamlessly integrated into the BRICS framework, under the guiding philosophy of “Better Africa, Better World.”

South Africa remains committed to bridging the gap between the developmental priorities of the Global South and emerging frontiers in technological, economic, and social innovation, with a view to ensuring that BRICS cooperation delivers tangible, inclusive, and sustainable socio-economic benefits for all

Russia
Source: mid.ru

Good afternoon.

Our three-day visit to New Delhi has come to an end. The principal goal of the visit was to take part in the latest BRICS Foreign Ministers’ Meeting.

Before the BRICS meeting, we had extensive bilateral discussions with our Indian counterparts. Detailed talks have been held with Minister of External Affairs of India Subrahmanyam Jaishankar. We were hosted by Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi as well.

During the meeting with the prime minister and talks with the foreign minister, we reaffirmed all existing agreements…

(A reporter activated speakerphone.
Sergey Lavrov: Will you please take it outside? Who keeps talking? Is it you or your phone? Listen, could you step outside, please? I am not joking, please leave the room. Security, escort him out of here. If you do not hand over your phone, they will draw their guns.)

Let me start again.

During the talks with India’s Minister of External Affairs Subrahmanyam Jaishankar and during the extended meeting hosted by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, we discussed the key areas of our particularly privileged strategic partnership, which had been defined during the summits between President Putin and Prime Minister of India Modi, including the latest meeting held in New Delhi. Following that summit in December 2025, a highly important Programme for the Development of Strategic Areas of Russian-Indian Economic Cooperation to 2030 was signed which lays out the necessary steps to achieve the target of $100 billion in bilateral trade by 2030.

We reviewed ways to improve the mechanisms of practical, trade, economic, and investment cooperation that already exists, as well as to further strengthen and expand them in such a way as to remain independent from the negative and unfriendly influence of third countries. We agreed to fortify transport, technology, and investment cooperation, including the joint development of the International North-South Transport Corridor and the Northern Sea Route.

We also looked into measures to streamline the direct mutual settlement system. We share a common commitment to increasing supplies of Russian hydrocarbons and fertilisers. Cooperation in peaceful nuclear energy is making wide strides, as does cooperation in the peaceful exploration of outer space. Regarding civilian nuclear energy, we discussed the possibility of providing us with a new site for the construction of several additional nuclear power units, which would significantly strengthen India’s energy security.

Following the tradition, military-technical cooperation between our countries, including the joint production of advanced weapons systems based on cutting-edge defence technologies, remains at a high level. We also have ambitious plans in the outer space exploration sector, including satellite navigation, crewed programmes, and joint scientific research. We saw our positions on international agenda overlap both in bilateral talks with our Indian friends and at the BRICS ministerial meeting. We focused primarily on preparations for the 18th BRICS Summit in New Delhi in September. At the ministerial level, we share the view that over the 20 years of its existence BRICS has come a long way and has evolved into an independent and multifaceted partnership encompassing virtually all areas of cooperation between the countries. The group is genuinely viewed as a leading building block in the efforts to form a multipolar world order and advancing the interests of the World Majority.
A highly reliable and solid culture of dialogue has taken shape within BRICS which is steeped in mutual respect, sovereign equality, and a commitment to taking into account the opinions of all parties and achieving a fair balance of interests as the key to implementing all existing and future agreements. This particular approach, we believe, ensures the resilience and authority of BRICS with the World Majority and preserves its appeal to a growing number of countries. We placed special emphasis on reviewing crises around the world, including the Middle East, namely, the crisis surrounding the Strait of Hormuz and Iran, as well as the situation in Lebanon and the Palestinian territories, where, in violation of UN resolutions, even the slightest prospects for the establishment of a Palestinian state are being systematically obstructed. Libya, Yemen, and Syria get intertwined in a web of stark differences that further compounds the situation in the Middle East and North Africa. Virtually every one of these hotspots is the result of gross interference by Western countries in the affairs of a particular country, including armed interventions and regime changes that we have witnessed over the past 15 years, beginning with the Arab Spring.

We spoke about the unacceptability of the continuing practice of unilateral coercive measures aimed at punishing sovereign governments and interfering in their internal affairs. In this context, we reaffirmed our solidarity with our Cuban friends. As you are aware, Cuba is one of the BRICS partner countries. This category of partner countries was established at the BRICS Summit in Kazan in October 2024 and is now represented by more than a dozen countries that already possess this status.
We clearly spoke in favour of continuing the reform of the global governance system. Essentially, the West which had long promoted the globalisation model originally put forward by the United States as the best solution to ensure the development of the international community has, through its own unilateral sanctions, dismantled that universal model, which rapidly fell apart. International financial institutions that were created to fit the old globalisation model must be reformed, which is long overdue. Above all, these reforms should reflect the countries’ real weight in the global economy and global finance. As you may be aware, BRICS and its partner countries now account for more than 40 percent of global GDP, whereas the share of the G7 which still retains control over the Bretton Woods institutions is barely over 30 percent of global GDP. Therefore, reform is overdue. Our Western colleagues are trying in every possible way to hold it back, but the trend is irreversible. According to forecasts, average growth rates among BRICS countries will amount to approximately 3.7 to 4 percent compared to global average growth rates of 2.6 percent over the coming period.
We discussed these issues in depth. The Indian chairmanship will issue consolidated statements later today. I believe our main goal has been accomplished. We identified the key themes that will be put on the agenda of the upcoming BRICS Summit in October. Given the circumstances, such an event will undoubtedly become one of the major developments in global politics and the economy.
Question: Good afternoon, Mr Lavrov. Twenty years of BRICS. Over this time, the composition of participating countries and partners has grown considerably. Many Western states do not like this. It is no secret that some countries are being subjected to pressure. In your view, does this affect the further expansion of the group? And are there currently any applications?
Sergey Lavrov: There is interest, coupled with the understanding that BRICS is a prototype of the future multipolar world order.
At the same time, I wish particularly to underscore that no one is trying to fence themselves off from the rest of the world, from the “global minority.” The platform where one can discuss, in a business-like and honest manner, on the basis of seeking a balance of interests, the subjects that concern the Global Majority and the “global minority” is the G20, which includes both the leading BRICS states and partners, as well as the G7 countries and their Asian allies – Japan and South Korea. In the G20, the supporters and participants of BRICS and the participants and partners of the G7 are represented roughly equally. Overall, this is a very promising platform, provided, however, that our Western colleagues cease their attempts to Ukrainianise the agenda of the G20, which they were actively pursuing some time ago.
Over the past couple of years, under the chairmanships of South Africa, Brazil, and now India, we have been ensuring that BRICS resolutely opposes any political discussions within the G20 framework that would overshadow the pressing tasks of reforming the global economy and the global financial system.
Therefore, attempts to steer the discussion towards certain scandalous topics concerning problems created by the West itself as a result of its aggressive policies will not be supported by the BRICS countries, which seek to address in the G20 the issues for which this group was initially created: the global economy, global finance, global trade, a fair reform of the Bretton Woods institutions, and, more generally, a fair approach to the system of global governance. So that the countries that have considerable weight in the global economy, finance, trade, and logistics receive adequate representation in these institutions – the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the World Trade Organisation.
I do not see a decline in interest in BRICS as a result of pressure from Western countries, which (especially the United States) have publicly declared BRICS virtually the main adversary of “progress,” by which is meant everyone’s agreement with Washington’s initiatives. I do not see a decline in interest in joining the ranks of our group, both in terms of membership and in terms of partner countries. There are specific applications for full membership. I do not consider it expedient to speak publicly on this matter.
A practice has been introduced whereby applications for full membership in BRICS will be considered only from those states that have received the status of a partner state. Secondly, there is an understanding that at this stage we will not rush to expand membership, because BRICS doubled its ranks a couple of years ago, and we need, if you will, to “settle in” to working in a new, substantially enlarged format.
Question: Continuing on BRICS expansion. Two full members since 2024 – the UAE and Iran – are currently, de facto, in a state of armed conflict. Is the use of the organisation’s mechanisms for their reconciliation being discussed within BRICS? And is the situation regarded as threatening the unity of the association?
Sergey Lavrov: Indeed, contradictions have manifested themselves between these two countries. In discussions of this kind, as in the discussion of any other conflicts, one must bear in mind the need to concentrate on matters of paramount importance.
Where are the root causes of the current crisis? The root cause is well known to all of us. The completely unprovoked aggression of the United States and Israel against the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Now everyone is appealing to Iran (and who else are they not appealing to) with a demand to open the Strait of Hormuz. Let me remind you that before February 28, 2026, when the aggression began, the Strait of Hormuz was functioning without any problems whatsoever. Freedom of navigation was ensured in its entirety.
The aggression against the Islamic Republic of Iran was instigated with a very specifically declared goal – to put an end to the 47 years during which Iran allegedly “terrorised” all its neighbours and the entire surrounding world. In exactly the same way, in order to kidnap the President of Venezuela, the theme of his “involvement” in drug trafficking was invented. Then it turned out that it was not drug trafficking at all, but Venezuelan oil that the United States was interested in. In the same way now, it is evident that it has all come down to oil, which must pass through the Strait of Hormuz.
But it is not Iran that has blocked this situation. It is not the Islamic Republic that created the problem, including in relations with its neighbours, the Gulf Cooperation Council countries. For many years, we promoted the Collective Security Concept for the Persian Gulf Region, which envisaged initiating a process of normalising relations and strengthening trust between Iran and the Arab monarchies, with the participation of their main neighbours, the League of Arab States, and the five permanent members of the UN Security Council. We did this because the situation in which the Arabs and Iran were at enmity with each other was abnormal, intolerable, and only harmed the peoples of the respective countries.
For many years, we held seminars and conferences. Scholars from all the states I have mentioned came to us. Not so long ago, our Chinese comrades put forward a similar idea. Tehran, even before the current crisis began, had expressed its readiness to support such an approach. In my ongoing contacts with representatives of the Arab monarchies (and we are in regular contact), I discern that they too understand the need for precisely such an approach.
Of course, the most important thing now is to stop the current war, to translate the ceasefire, which is being observed after a fashion, into a final agreement on the cessation of any hostilities. But in the long term, it is necessary to think about some kind of stabilising regional structure, about some kind of regional process. This matter was discussed at the BRICS Foreign Ministers’ Meeting held yesterday and today.
I do not think that the group must necessarily lay claim to the role of moderator, but individual BRICS members could take this on, especially those who are, one way or another, interested in ensuring that there are no problems in the Strait of Hormuz and in the Persian Gulf. For example, India, in its capacity as chair, is directly dependent on oil supplies, including from this region. Why not offer its good offices, including as the country chairing BRICS, and invite Iran and the UAE, to begin with, to talk to each other and ascertain how to prevent enmity. And this enmity is being instigated from outside.
I have not the slightest doubt that one of the tasks of the aggression against the Islamic Republic of Iran was precisely to prevent the normalisation of relations and even to create new problems in these relations, to antagonise Iran and its Arab neighbours. We must pursue precisely the opposite objective.
Pakistan is currently helping to establish a dialogue between Iran and the United States. This aims to resolve the immediate problem – the ongoing crisis. In the long term, the role of such an intermediary, a mediator between Iran and its Arab neighbours, could well be played by India, given its considerable diplomatic experience and standing.
Question: Do the BRICS countries share the view that the Ukrainian crisis is coming to an end, and can they contribute to this in any way?
Sergey Lavrov: I briefed my partners in considerable detail at today’s and yesterday’s meetings on our assessments of the current situation around Ukraine. This included issues on the BRICS agenda, such as the reform of the global governance system.
If we look at the Bretton Woods institutions from this angle, consider the statistics over the last three to four years. I don’t recall the exact figure off the top of my head, and I wouldn’t swear to the precise number, but look at which countries have received loans and how those loans compare. Over the last three to four years, Ukraine has received loans from the International Monetary Fund (I’m afraid I may be slightly off) of roughly 600 percent of its quota, in other words, six times its quota.
This is several times higher than the loans received by all African countries taken together over the same period. This is a clear illustration of how the Bretton Woods institutions are currently being run, and in whose interests. It is certainly not in the interests of fair global governance.
None of my colleagues made any remarks on the Ukrainian crisis at yesterday’s or today’s meetings. But I repeat, we gave a fundamental assessment of what is happening, especially given that UN reform was also on the agenda of our meetings in New Delhi. Among other things, we called for firm insistence on the observance of all principles of the UN Charter without exception – not selectively, but in their entirety and interdependent integrity.
We paid particular attention to a section of the UN Charter that, for some reason, our Western colleagues have stopped citing and referring to. I am talking about the requirement in the very first article of the UN Charter to uphold human rights regardless of race, sex, language, or religion. We have pointed out that this specific clause concerning language and religion is being flagrantly violated by the Nazi regime that the West installed in Kiev in February 2014.
I have already made this point to journalists: Ukraine is the only country in the world where an entire language – and an official UN language at that – has been banned from all spheres of life. And those Western and other representatives who see fit to engage with the Kiev regime never mention (at least not as far as we are aware) the need to return to universally accepted norms on language and religion.
In Arab countries, there is no problem with Hebrew. Israel has no problem with Arabic or Farsi. Wherever you look around the world, different religions, traditions and civilisations coexist. Yet in Ukraine, this flagrant violation of basic human rights is considered normal.
Incidentally, I have heard that when our Western colleagues, including some Americans, are reminded of this, they say that if a settlement is reached, they will certainly include the objective of restoring respect for human rights in the areas of language and religion. But this cannot be a condition for a settlement. These things must be done without any mutual concessions, simply because it is Ukraine’s obligation not only under the UN Charter but also under its own Constitution – which, last time I checked, remains in force – where the rights of Russians and other minorities are enshrined and guaranteed by the state. Yet they have passed a bunch of laws that violate their own Constitution, and these laws are being forcibly imposed on the people in everyday life.
My colleagues listened attentively. I am sure they understand what is going on. But no comments were made on Ukrainian affairs.
Question: Energy cooperation between India and Russia has grown significantly. Are there any discussions underway for long-term oil energy or nuclear energy agreements in local currencies?
Sergey Lavrov: Yes, all of this is being discussed. Our trade with India has long since moved away from the dollar and into national currencies and the currencies of other countries that do not abuse their position in the global monetary and financial system.
There are no restrictions for us in any of the areas you mentioned. We are ready to consider anything that might interest our Indian partners. There have never been any disruptions or refusals so far. And I don’t foresee any.
Question: Before leaving for China, US President Donald Trump answered journalists’ questions and gave a curt ‘no’ when asked whether there is a mutual understanding between him and Russian President Vladimir Putin on the Donbass issue. What does this mean, given that such an understanding has previously been reported?
Sergey Lavrov: We have always said that we have clear understandings following the talks held in Anchorage, Alaska, on August 15, 2025.
As a reminder – we have discussed this repeatedly, and President Putin has mentioned it – a week before that summit, President Trump’s special envoy, Steve Witkoff, visited Moscow. He brought with him American ideas on how to achieve a long-term, sustainable resolution to the conflict in Ukraine. Those ideas were based on the US understanding of the root causes of the current crisis, including, as President Trump has repeatedly stated, the view that Ukraine’s involvement in NATO is unacceptable, as well as the recognition of the realities on the ground resulting from the referendums held in the relevant territories.
Based on that understanding, Mr Witkoff brought the relevant proposals to Moscow. We took them into consideration. A week later, during the meeting in Alaska, President Putin said he was prepared to support this American initiative – all of these American proposals.
I should mention (I hope I am not revealing any great secret) that our President listed all the American components of these proposals one by one. After each component, Mr Putin turned to Mr Witkoff, who was present at the talks, and asked whether he was accurately presenting what the special envoy had brought. All these questions were answered in the affirmative, and so the Alaska meeting concluded with an understanding.
The spirit is a separate matter. For some reason, everyone is talking these days about the “spirit of Alaska” or the “spirit of Anchorage.” The “spirit” in relations between the presidents of Russia and the United States is always friendly, comradely and mutually respectful.
In Alaska, in addition to the “spirit,” understandings – indeed, agreements – were reached on the basic principles of a settlement proposed by the United States and supported by the Russian Federation. Since then, the Europeans, including Vladimir Zelensky (he wouldn’t miss the chance, of course) and especially London, have been doing everything they can to prevent the United States from staying committed to its own initiative.
I just want to reiterate: this never meant that we would publish the Anchorage decisions and everything would be settled overnight. The basic principles were agreed there. But there remain many issues that require more detailed consideration. Such consideration will become possible as soon as we confirm the Alaska agreements.
I hope this happens sooner rather than later. As Russian President Vladimir Putin has stated, we will achieve the goals of the special military operation under any circumstances. Preferably through diplomatic means, but if not, we will continue to do so within the framework of the special military operation.
Question: Could you provide an update on energy supplies to India? Has Russia increased export volumes amid the well-known disruptions in global energy supply chains?
Sergey Lavrov: This data is not classified and everything that is published here, or other publications, in neighbouring countries, and in the international media generally show that oil supplies to India have increased recently. Everything here depends not on us, but on our Indian friends, who have always received a positive response whenever they requested more energy. We stand ready to keep doing so in the future as well.
Question: Is it possible that a joint statement on the situation in Iran will be adopted following this meeting?
Sergey Lavrov: I mentioned earlier and as the foreign minister assured us, a statement by the Indian chairmanship will be issued later today.
Question: What will India-Russia relations be like in the coming months in the run-up to the BRICS Summit?
Sergey Lavrov: I addressed this in detail in my opening remarks. We are making preparations for the BRICS Summit. Prime Minister Modi confirmed yesterday that this year it was his turn to pay a visit to the Russian Federation. We will be making preparations for this summit. With regard to bilateral relations, there are so many areas of cooperation that we could hardly cover them all today. I briefly outlined them in my opening remarks.

We are interested in ensuring that our particularly privileged strategic partnership continues to expand across all areas on the most effective basis possible. During the talks held as part of this visit, we sensed reciprocity from the Indian side. They share exactly the same approach.

Question: The Europeans are now talking about their growing desire to resume dialogue with Moscow and are planning to appoint their own representative. What is your assessment of this position on the part of Europe? Do you believe their intentions are serious and sincere?

Sergey Lavrov: Speaking of European “sincerity,” I’d rather not go over the examples mentioned by both President Vladimir Putin and myself on earlier occasions. It was all about hypocrisy and outright lies. The admission made by former German Chancellor Angela Merkel and former French President François Hollande, who signed the Minsk Agreements in February 2015 together with President Putin and then leader of Ukraine Petr Poroshenko, speaks volumes. Those agreements were unanimously approved by the UN Security Council, and several years later they openly admitted that they had never intended to implement them. They merely needed time to pump weapons into Ukraine.

Now no one is wearing masks anymore. Germany is once again leading the movement in support of Nazism in Europe. Zelensky has been assigned the role of führer, and a new unification of Europeans is underway, with Germany playing a proactive and leading role. All of this is disturbingly reminiscent of certain historical events. But that concern is tempered by the fact that we know how such stories end, and there can be no other ending.

So now that the Europeans have suddenly come to their senses and stopped repeating the mantra about inflicting a strategic defeat on Russia on the battlefield and ensuring all-out victory for Ukraine, they have suddenly changed the script and are now saying that, yes, at some point they will have to talk to Russia. But at the same time, they add a caveat that they - the Europeans - will decide when and on what terms such talks will take place. I can’t take such statements seriously. President Putin tested the Europeans on their political maturity and sensitivity. During the evening news conference on May 9, in response to a question, he said that former German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder could serve as the Europeans’ representative in negotiations with Russia. Remember the outrage that followed? Some said it was absolutely unacceptable. EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas - she is everywhere as always - argued that only she could fill such a role. Others, including some in Germany, did not reject the possibility outright. The discussion that followed our President’s remark was quite amusing. Some even said, yes, Schröder might be acceptable to Moscow, but he needs supervision. The name of Frank-Walter Steinmeier, the current President of the Federal Republic of Germany, was mentioned.

Back to whether the West can be trusted, you may recall another event that took place a year before the Minsk Agreements. In February 2014, a peace agreement was concluded between then President Viktor Yanukovych and the opposition, providing for early elections and a settlement of all aspects of the Maidan crisis. That agreement was guaranteed by France, Germany, and Poland. It was signed on Germany’s behalf by none other than Frank-Walter Steinmeier himself. Next morning after Steinmeier signed it, the opposition tore up the agreement, disregarded Germany, France, and Poland and their guarantees, seized government buildings, and went after President Yanukovych seeking to physically eliminate him.

We urgently contacted Berlin, Paris, and Warsaw asking them to talk some sense into the opposition, since they have leverage with it and acted as guarantors of this agreement. All of them bashfully avoided responding to our request and said that democracy sometimes takes unexpected turns. So we already know how much trust can be placed in Mr Steinmeier. We are not seeking any negotiating processes with Europe. President Putin’s response should be viewed precisely in the context that we are ready, but we will never chase anyone or beg for favours.

To reiterate, Europe’s track record regarding its ability to honour agreements is entirely negative. They had their chances to contribute to Ukrainian settlement, which I mentioned earlier. First, it was in February 2014, when a coup took place in violation of the agreement, and then in February 2015, when the Minsk Agreements were signed. In both cases the Europeans acted as guarantors. In both cases they failed in their role as guarantors and honest brokers.
Question: Yesterday the White House stated that during his meeting with US President Donald Trump, Chinese President Xi Jinping expressed interest in increasing purchases of US oil in order to reduce China’s dependence on the Strait of Hormuz. Do you think that carries the risk of China reducing its purchases of Russian energy? Do you think broader cooperation between the United States and China represents an attempt to drive a wedge between Moscow and Beijing? How likely do you think such efforts by Washington are to succeed?

Sergey Lavrov: You’ve put too much in one question. We do not interfere in trade relations between third countries. Russia and China have ramified agreements enshrined in contracts, intergovernmental treaties, and other arrangements covering virtually all areas of relations between our countries, including trade, the economy, and investment cooperation, energy supplies included. We use these agreements as a basis to duly fulfil all our obligations, while the People’s Republic of China fulfills its obligations. However, we are not asking our Chinese partners to discuss with us their plans concerning their relations with other countries, nor does China approach us with similarly inappropriate requests.

If the agreements that have been or will be reached between Beijing and Washington meet the interests of our Chinese friends, we will welcome them, but we will never engage in yet another geopolitical gamesmanship. Henry Kissinger once bequeathed the idea that Washington’s relations with Beijing and with Moscow should each be better than relations between Beijing and Moscow. This is the old divide-and-conquer strategy that the United States and colonial powers have generally practiced for many years now. We are familiar with this game. It remains very much alive in Western policy. It is not our tactic, nor is it China’s, either.

Russia and China are bound by relations which, as President Vladimir Putin and President Xi Jinping have repeatedly stated in their joint statements and elsewhere, are much deeper and stronger than traditional military-political alliances. They represent relations of a new type which contribute more than any other factor to stabilising global politics and the world economy.

Question: US Secretary of State Marco Rubio stated that the United States plans to ask China to exert pressure on Iran in order to end the conflict, including the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz. What is your assessment of such an approach? Did you discuss this with your BRICS colleagues? Are any contacts with the Chinese side planned in order to comprehensively discuss the results of Donald Trump’s visit to China and the agreements reached in China?

Sergey Lavrov: We have no knowledge of any such approaches by the United States towards the People’s Republic of China. As for the substance of what you just described, namely, that China helps the Americans “reopen” the Strait of Hormuz, let me once re-emphasise the point that the strait was never closed and remained fully open to navigation until February 28, when for the second time in six months the United States and Israel launched aggression against the Islamic Republic of Iran. I find it hard to understand what China has to do with this and what exactly the Americans expect from Beijing. It’s as if they are saying that they started something and found themselves in a deadlock. Now they need to reopen the waterway for energy, fertiliser, and food shipments through the Strait of Hormuz to resume, but apparently do not find they are in a good position to deal with the matter themselves. Iran is reluctant to play along, so, they say, put some pressure on Iran. It is a rather simplistic approach. I don’t believe this is the kind of example international diplomacy should follow.
The main point is to eliminate the underlying cause, which everyone is well aware of, and you can read about it in analytical articles and even in political cartoons appearing in the Western media outlets.

Question: How are relations with Armenia being built at the ministerial level and how will they continue to be built in view of all the developments and statements made by Nikol Pashinyan?
Sergey Lavrov: We do have relations with Armenia. They are close and allied, but at the same time complicated, given how the West is trying to “subjugate” Armenia, as was done with some other CIS members, and sever mutually beneficial trade, economic and investment ties between Armenia and its CIS and EAEU partners.

President of Russia Vladimir Putin frankly said, as he was receiving Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan at the Kremlin on April 1, that Russia would respect any choice made by our Armenian friends, yet it should be understood that commitments within the EAEU cannot be maintained if Armenia embarks on the EU accession track, which has been declared multiple times at the highest level. Those are just incompatible commitments, including trade regimes and many other matters. Russian Deputy Prime Minister in charge of EAEU affairs Alexei Overchuk also spoke about that. 
We are absolutely honest with our Armenian friends. It is our allied duty to explain how economic integration processes are being built in the contemporary world and how the EAEU is different from the EU. Judging by the ongoing talks on joining the EU between Brussels and our Serbian friends, one of the conditions for everyone who seeks rapprochement with the EU and its membership is total adherence to its foreign policy. The essence of the EU’s foreign policy activity at the moment is outright, rampant and aggressive Russophobia. I believe our Armenian colleagues are aware of that and will take this into consideration.

I have good personal contacts with Armenia’s Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan. We normally talk on the phone. Armenia was represented by a deputy foreign minister at the last CIS Foreign Ministers’ Meeting. We know him well. He was actively engaged in the discussion and preparation of the final documents. In late May, at the EAEU summit in Kazakhstan, there will be a perfect opportunity for us to discuss, in an open and honest way, emerging problems related to the European Union’s insistence on drawing Armenia into its orbit, including at the cost of risking the benefits Armenia is enjoying within the EAEU. I know that Prime Minister Pashinyan mentioned he was busy with election campaign and would be unable to attend the EAEU leaders’ meeting. This would be sad, since it is a good opportunity to discuss the things which are about to happen.

Question: President of France Emmanuel Macron said recently that Russia is a real coloniser in Africa. How would you comment on such statements by the French leadership?

Sergey Lavrov: The French know better that anyone what real colonialism and real colonisers are. About five years ago, when the Sahel countries were undergoing changes, particularly Mali, I was participating in the work of the UN General Assembly session. Many bilateral meetings were held on its sidelines. I had talks with the then head of EU’s diplomacy, Josep Borrel, along with French Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian. Since Mali was a “hot” topic on the international agenda at the time, they were perplexed – how come Russia supported the change of government. Among other arguments, I told them that the new government of Mali had approached us with a request to help them reform and strengthen their security forces, and we responded to their request. Later this was also voiced at the UN General Assembly plenary meetings. But in response, my interlocutors said that Sahel and Africa as a whole was the “European Union’s zone.” I said I did not know that. I know that there were colonial possessions there, but later you proclaimed political independence and stopped colonisation. The UN adopted special decisions on this matter. I added that I had never read anywhere that former colonies were assigned to you forever as countries where other nations had no right to “meddle.” That’s the philosophy they have. It is in the DNA of our French colleagues. They measure everyone by their own yardstick. But our yardstick is different. 

Russia
Source: mid.ru

On May 15, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov held a meeting with Foreign Minister of Malaysia Mohamad Hasan on the sidelines of the BRICS foreign ministers’meeting in New Delhi.

The ministers discussed current aspects of bilateral cooperation, primarily in practical spheres, as well as regional and international issues.

They also considered preparations for the 60th anniversary of Russian-Malaysian diplomatic relations due to be marked in 2027.

Russia
Source: mid.ru

Colleagues,

The current stage in global affairs is marked by rapid changes and their serious consequences. The centre of global economic growth and international trade is shifting towards Asia, Africa and Latin America. Regional integration processes are picking up momentum with every passing day. According to some estimates, countries of the Global South and East accounted for over 45 percent of global trade volumes; they also account for nearly 60 percent of the global GDP.

These figures will obviously continue to increase. Objectively speaking, this makes the systemic reformatting of the global economic structure something inevitable, and this facilitates the predictable striving of states of the Global South and East to conduct independent foreign policy by prioritising national interests.

At the same time, there is a substantial gap between the real distribution of the global economic potential and the level of representation of the Global Majority countries in global governance. States of the “historic West” continue to dominate key international institutions, including the UN and the Bretton Woods system agencies (that had evolved under a different balance of forces). The readjustment of activities of the relevant agencies in accordance with the real correlation of forces should help correct this injustice. This should make the entire international system more effective and eliminate the division lines inside it.

The global financial system should be transparent and non-discriminatory, providing equal access to its opportunities and tools for all participants. It is unacceptable when the G7 which accounts for less than one-third global output continues to determine the policy and practice of Bretton Woods institutions; at the same time, BRICS states which account for about 40 percent of the global GDP lack comparable influence.

We consider the completion of the reform of the system for calculating and distributing IMF quotas (which continues to promote the interests of shareholders from the Western minority states, and which disregards the real requirements of the Global South and East) to be a high-priority objective. I am inviting you to gain an insight into IMF statistics regarding the allocation of loans in the past three to four years. You will find out that Ukraine obtained loans worth almost 600 percent of its quota. This exceeds the amount of loans obtained from the IMF by all African Union countries. It should be noted for justice’s sake that BRICS states possess over 18 percent of all IMF quota shares. This makes it possible to influence key decisions already today, provided that the association and stockholders representing BRICS countries in the IMF reach consensus. It is necessary to utilise this opportunity more actively.

We staunchly advocate the expanded representation of Global Majority states at the UN Security Council. We reaffirm our support for the striving of Brazil and India to obtain the status of permanent members of the UN Security Council. At the same time, it is necessary to correct historical injustice with regard to African countries which have clearly formulated their position and consistently uphold it. We see no added value in allocating additional seats to countries of the “collective West” which are over-represented at the UN Security Council, and which continue to claim a monopoly right to determine the global agenda.

The new UN Secretary-General will be elected this year. The replacement of the UN Secretary-General opens up an opportunity, or rather offers a chance, to put things in order at the UN. We are convinced that the future head of the Secretariat should meet a number of criteria. The UN Secretary-General should assume equidistant positions, evaluate the principles of the UN Charter in a non-discriminatory manner, prioritise mandatory or consensus-based decisions and rule out the use of double standards. On the whole, the UN Secretary-General should unfailingly honour the requirements of Article 100 of the UN Charter. We will analyse to what extent the contenders accorded and accord with these principles at their previous positions in the UN Family and at other international agencies.

In a broader context, it is necessary to overhaul the Secretariat, including criteria for its establishment. The UN Charter has only one criterion, specifically, a fair geographical representation. This criterion is not respected. A situation when the UN Secretariat has been virtually privatised by one group of countries is unacceptable. Citizens from NATO countries hold the positions of the UN Secretary-General and six undersecretaries-general who control real administrative, budgetary and other financial leverage for governing the entire UN Family. Work in the interests of all member states has been substituted by the promotion of the minority’s approaches and the imposition of a neo-liberal discourse. It is necessary to devote special attention to this issue at a regular session of the UN General Assembly. Only those member states which are responsible for the UN’s effective performance, for respecting the “division of labour” between statutory bodies, the preservation of an intergovernmental decision-making process and the consistent application of the UN Charter’s principles in their entirety and interdependence are capable of correcting the accumulated disproportions.

In this context, we will continue to prioritise efforts to uphold the UN Charter’s demands to respect linguistic and religious human rights. It is unacceptable when the Kiev regime nurtured by the West has passed legislation banning the Russian language, not to mention the fact that this is one of the UN’s official languages. Neither the UN Secretary-General, nor any of their officials voice any misgivings on this issue and remain completely silent. To be honest, no European and other foreign representatives communicating with the regime of Vladimir Zelensky consider this possible, and they do not even mention the unacceptability of this regime’s linguistic genocide.

I would like to draw your attention to the fact that the Russian language is the only language which has been banned in one single state. Despite everything, Arab countries, Iran and the entire Islamic world do not ban Hebrew. Nor does Israel ban Arabic and other languages, spoken by Muslims. Moreover, even Ireland does not ban English. 

In this connection, I would like to once again praise the position of President of Kazakhstan, the honourable Kassym-Jomart Tokayev who has initiated the establishment of the Association for the Support of the Russian Language. In early 2026, its members held a constituent meeting and elected its governing bodies. Membership is open for CIS countries which are also represented here and for any other state interested in exchanges which enrich the cultural component of our relations.

Our BRICS partners and we are united by a commitment to all principles of the UN Charter setting forth clear reference points for establishing an equitable and polycentric world order. It is important to make sure that all international institutions work on the basis of independence and unbiased attitudes. This fully concerns the system of international justice which should not be weaponised for use against geopolitical adversaries of any specific states. We intend to discuss these issues during the second international seminar on countering the politicisation of international criminal-law cooperation involving BRICS countries and partner states, due to be held in Moscow on June 15-17, 2026.
The multilateral system faces various challenges, including the expanded practice of applying unilateral coercive measures, among them illegitimate sanctions, illegal confiscations of foreign assets and property in violation of the basic principle of sovereign equality of states, the violation of fundamental human rights, including the right to development, health and food security.

We are witnessing all these attempts (in violation of all these principles) to inflict irreparable damage on the population of countries which have done nothing to provoke this policy, including states which are represented here. I am talking about Iran, and everybody is now talking about what they are trying to do to our friends in Cuba. We reaffirm our complete solidarity with and support for the people of Cuba, the Island of Freedom.

Understandably, when they apply illegitimate sanctions, the most vulnerable population strata are dealt a disproportionately heavy blow. The digital gap and environmental problems are exacerbated, well-established supply and production chains are disrupted. We are convinced that it is necessary to remove such tools of pressure from international communication. The UN General Assembly has already passed the relevant resolution. Today, I would like to recall a Russian initiative to pass an intra-BRICS declaration on the role of international law and ways and methods for countering, mitigating and compensating negative consequences of unilateral coercive e measures.

Countries should identify their own development priorities without any outside pressure, with due consideration for national specifics, requirements and civilisational differences. This approach, including an emphasis on the fight against poverty and other pressing needs of developing countries, should be adequately reflected in the new agenda for development after 2030; the UN will have to work on it in a complicated environment. We will help achieve a positive result for the Global Majority in every possible way. 

Thank you.

Russia
Source: mid.ru

On May 14, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov met with Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Federative Republic of Brazil Mauro Vieira in New Delhi, on the sidelines of the BRICS foreign ministers’ meeting.

During the conversation, which took place in a traditionally friendly and trust-based atmosphere, the parties exchanged views on the most pressing issues on the international agenda, including the situation in the Persian Gulf region and developments in the Latin American region.

The foreign ministers outlined steps for the consistent strengthening of the strategic partnership between the two countries. They also discussed the schedule of further Russian-Brazilian contacts.

Russia
Source: mid.ru

On May 14, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov met with Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Islamic Republic of Iran Abbas Araqchi on the sidelines of the BRICS Foreign Ministers' meeting in New Delhi.

In a detailed and trustworthy manner, the ministers discussed the course of the negotiations to settle the armed conflict unleashed by the United States and Israel in the Middle East.

The Russian side emphasised the importance of preserving the ceasefire regime and the fragile armistice as well as preventing disruption of the political and diplomatic efforts to achieve a comprehensive Iranian-US understanding which opens the way to a lasting and stable normalisation in the region. Sergey Lavrov has indicated again Russia’s readiness to render good services to the parties in their search for and in carrying out mutually acceptable compromises.

While also considering the current issues of bilateral cooperation, the parties reaffirmed their mutual desire to consistently strengthen an all-round strategic partnership between the two friendly nations.

Egypt
Source: mid.ru

On May 14, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov had a meeting with Minister of Foreign Affairs, Emigration, and Egyptian Expatriates of the Arab Republic of Egypt Badr Abdelatty on the sidelines of a full-scale BRICS foreign ministers meeting in New Delhi.

The ministers discussed the current situation in the Middle East, including the situation around Iran. The sides emphasised the need for attaining a peaceful settlement of the crisis and building up efforts of the world community to achieve a sustainable long-term settlement with due account of the legitimate interests of the countries in the region.

Sergey Lavrov and Badr Abdelatty also touched on some topical aspects of developing the multifaceted and mutually beneficial cooperation between Russia and Egypt.

Russia
Source: mid.ru

On May14, Foreign Minister of Russia Sergey Lavrov had a meeting with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Thailand Sihasak Phuangketkeow on the sidelines of the BRICS ministerial meeting in New Delhi. 

The ministers discussed key issues related to the development of Russian-Thai relations and stressed the importance of promoting cooperation in trade, investment, science, technology, and culture. They also called for strengthening the contractual and legal framework of bilateral relations and exchanged views on coordinating efforts within BRICS and other multilateral platforms, as well as on current international and regional issues.

Russia
Source: mid.ru

Colleagues,

I would like to thank our Indian friends, the BRICS Chairs, represented by the Minister of External Affairs of the Republic of India, Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, for designating the topic for this meeting. It addresses the tasks and challenges BRICS is facing which overlap with key issues on the global agenda. I welcome the representatives of the Partner States participating in our discussion. It is especially important to hear their assessments of the results and prospects that describe our association in the year of its twentieth anniversary.

Over the years, BRICS has traversed a long way, evolving into a valuable and multifaceted partnership in itself, covering almost all areas of interstate cooperation. It is very significant that this process was prompted by life itself and the requests of the Member States, and it was not the result of a bureaucratic expansion of cooperation areas. A special culture of communication has been formed within the framework of the association rooted in mutual respect, sovereign equality, a spirit of giving consideration to the opinions of all, searching for common solutions and striving for the common good. This is what always ensures BRICS stability and credibility among the majority of the world’s states which is clearly evidenced by today’s meeting.

In the context of tectonic changes in the geopolitical and geo-economic landscape, BRICS is called upon to act as a force contributing to finding a balance in international relations, shaping a positive agenda for global development based on consensus and equality. The desired outcome can only be produced by this approach, and not by confrontation or zero-sum games. It is vital to ensure the interests of all participants, and more broadly, of all constructive members of the international community. We see a growing understanding that BRICS acts as the “assemblage point” of forces advocating a more just, multipolar world order.

To ensure sustainability in the midst of global instability, we believe it necessary to focus our cooperation on practical projects with a direct effect on sustained economic development and providing the well-being of our peoples. In this context, it is important to continue developing cross-border settlement mechanisms resistant to external risks, primarily in national currencies, as well as infrastructure for the increasing mutual trade. They will naturally complement, rather than break, the existing international system, and will contribute to correcting its imbalances and increasing efficiency.

We see a need to step up the BRICS countries’ joint efforts to prevent a new global debt crisis. The total global debt has already reached 93 percent, and by 2029, it will exceed 100 percent of the global GDP which poses systemic risks to the stability of the entire financial system.

Russia proposes to create a new investment platform as a promising tool that would make it possible to accumulate significant funds, including through the use of digital assets, for the implementation of development projects within the space of our association and in the countries of the Global South and the Global East as a whole. The New Development Bank, which is currently holding its regular annual meeting in Moscow, can play an important role in implementing this initiative. I would like to add that it is necessary to adjust the NDB’s strategy accordingly and adapt its functioning model to meet the new challenges of the current geo-economic crisis situation.

We support the Indian Chairmanship’s emphasis on ensuring food and energy security. The BRICS countries and partner countries definitely have huge potential here, and significant positive experience has been gained. Large-scale crises demand the development of innovative mechanisms for maintaining the infrastructure of economic stability. In particular, this is what Russia’s to create the BRICS Grain Exchange initiative is aimed at, which can potentially expand to other food products. We believe that such joint work will help strengthen collective immunity to external shocks and contribute to the stability of global markets.

BRICS unites countries that act as a new engine of growth. Our total contribution to the global economy is steadily increasing, currently accounting for almost 40 percent of the global GDP, and this figure is even higher when partner countries are factored in. However, dynamic development is impossible without innovations, including artificial intelligence technologies. The joint statement of the BRICS leaders adopted last year consolidated our countries’ common vision in this area. We consider it urgent to start implementing agreed guidelines at the UN platform, including guaranteeing digital sovereignty, equal and equitable access to technology and data. We also suggest considering a launch of joint scientific research, educational programs, and investment projects in biotechnology and the development of bio-economics.

In view of the complicated nature of threats to international stability, we pay special attention to strengthening cooperation in the BRICS format on countering terrorism and extremism, corruption and drug trafficking, and ensuring security in the use of information and communication technologies. Such joint work is especially relevant when a number of countries use these problems as a pretext for economic, political and military pressure on undesirable governments.

We support the Chairmanship’s commitment to intensifying the activities of the BRICS Expert Network on Asset Recovery. This could contribute to the formation of common approaches to the task of repatriating funds of illegal origin for further promotion at the UN and other international platforms.

Their participation in a number of already established mechanisms, such as energy, agricultural, and climate research platforms, the Vaccine Research and Development Center, the BRICS Network University, and other formats, would bring significant added value. We welcome the commitment of our Indian friends to strengthen cooperation with the association’s partners and connect them to a number of practical cooperation tracks.

To conclude my remarks, I would like to note the importance of strengthening solidarity within the BRICS to step up coordination on multilateral platforms. A good example is the interaction of our countries’ delegations within the framework of the 30th Conference of the Parties to the Framework Convention on Climate Change, held on November 10-22, 2025 in Belém, Brazil, where, largely thanks to the position of the BRICS countries and like-minded nations, balanced decisions were reached. I strongly believe that only through active teamwork will we be able to achieve real consideration of the interests of our states and the Global South and East as a whole at leading multilateral venues, such as the United Nations, the G20, the World Trade Organisation, the World Health Organisation, and other international entities.

Russia
Source: brics-plus-analytics.org


Almost 10 years ago China launched an initiative that was to transform the global economic landscape and render the paradigm of economic multipolarity an integral part of the global agenda. In March 2017 the BRICS+ initiative was announced by China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi, who declared: “we will widen the circle of friends of the BRICS and turn it into the most influential platform for South-South cooperation in the world”. Since then the BRICS+ initiative had its ups and downs, but after almost a decade it has clearly transformed the BRICS bloc, its engagement with the outside world and the global landscape of economic alliances.

The 2017 BRICS summit chaired by China featured the BRICS+ outreach exercise that for the first time involved the invitation of representatives from emerging markets from across the global economy – Mexico from Latin America, Tajikistan from Central Asia, Thailand from Southeast Asia, as well as Guinea and Egypt from Africa. This outreach format was then developed further by South Africa in 2018, with emerging market economies invited to participate in the BRICS+ format chairing key regional and global forums and organizations. In particular, Turkey was invited as the chair in the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), Jamaica as the chair in the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), while Argentina was invited as the chair of the G20 platform. In effect, this approach took BRICS+ to the level of engaging not only individual national economies, but also international organizations and regional economic blocs.

Despite the initial success of the BRICS+ initiative, in 2019-2021 it was discontinued. It came back to life in 2022 with the return of the BRICS presidency to China – this time the scale of the BRICS+ outreach format undertaken by China delivered such a strong impulse to BRICS development that it paved the way to BRICS/BRICS+ expansion for several years to come. The BRICS+ format itself after China’s chairmanship in 2022 continued and gained further traction for the next three years, making this format a key regular feature of BRICS summit meetings.

Apart from the expansion in the BRICS core that now includes new members such as Egypt, the UAE, Ethiopia, Indonesia and Iran, there was also the creation of the BRICS partnership belt that includes 10 emerging market economies from across the Global South. In 2025 Brazil that chaired the BRICS bloc further expanded the format of the outreach meetings to include regional/multilateral development banks, regional integration blocs (ASEAN) as well as the head of a global organization such as the WTO, rendering the BRICS+ format more focused on pragmatic economic cooperation[1].

The significance of the BRICS+ initiative is not solely about the bloc’s expansion and outreach to the global community. It is also about the new gateways to global economic development and to higher economic growth. With stronger links between China and its BRICS partners with the rest of the developing world, there is a wider array of channels through which growth impulses from some of the largest economies of the Global South can reach the majority of the developing economies. In rendering such impulses to growth stronger and more diverse, the creation of a platform for regional integration arrangements (such as Mercosur, ASEAN) within the BRICS+ format can be pursued as a priority track in the forthcoming BRICS+ outreach exercises.

In this vein, the BRICS+ initiative is focused on advancing a new model of economic cooperation in the global economy that is inclusive and hence more sustainable. It is also an effort to develop a new paradigm for South-South economic cooperation that can effectively support the modernization efforts of developing economies. The rising trade and investment among developing economies has been a key trend over the course of 2025 and the BRICS+ format may serve to provide further momentum to these crucial paradigm shifts in the world economy. Another important angle with respect to the future BRICS+ format is of course the mounting debate on the possibility of BRICS institutionalization and the creation of the bloc’s headquarters – something that could introduce greater continuity as well as consistency into the iterative BRICS+ outreach efforts.

In the end, the entire possibility set of BRICS+ formats is far from being exhausted and the future BRICS summits may reveal new innovations and pathways to boosting South-South economic cooperation. There is certainly further scope for more global international organizations to be invited to participate in the BRICS+ outreach activities as well as regional integration blocs and their development institutions. There could also be scope perhaps to invite leading corporates from across the developing world to conclude strategic alliances or to present cutting-edge innovations and new business models at the BRICS+ summit meetings. In effect, the BRICS+ becomes a laboratory for building the future trajectories of BRICS development and in this lasting legacy of advancing South-South economic cooperation China played the pivotal role of launching the first globalized outreach effort.

Note: this article first appeared in the Pivot Magazine of the Institute of Strategic Studies of Islamabad (ISSI):

https://issi.org.pk/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/PIVOT_Magazine_April__2026.pdf

[1] https://brics-plus-analytics.org/brazil-takes-brics-to-another-level/

Yaroslav Lissovolik, Founder, BRICS+ Analytics

Russia
Source: mid.ru

Question: You’ve been dealing with New Delhi for over two decades now. This special and privileged strategic partnership has got all the right optics. It’s got the summits, and it’s got buzzwords like “oil” and “defence” that recently have been making headlines. What is the real substance of the India-Russia partnership today?
Sergey Lavrov: It’s not only oil and gas. It’s much more.
The nature of Russia-India relations is much broader, and it did not begin twenty or even thirty years ago. Everything started when India gained independence. From the very beginning, Indian leaders visited the Soviet Union, and Soviet leaders visited India. This helped lay a solid foundation based on trust-based personal relations between the leaders of the two countries which is always a good thing. Concurrently, a solid foundation for partnership between India and our country was being laid.
The understanding of what this partnership was all about evolved over time. It started out as a partnership, then became a strategic partnership, and was later elevated to a level of privileged strategic partnership. Later, under Manmohan Singh, Russia-India relations reached the level of a particularly privileged strategic partnership. The fact that the economies of Russia and India complement one another also works to the advantage of both countries.
India was highly interested in military-technical cooperation from the very beginning, which also played an important role. For a long time after it had gained independence, not a single Western country was willing to help India develop its own military technology. Russia took a different approach. Our cooperation with India started out in a seller/buyer format. The situation has changed dramatically over time, and we are no longer just selling weapons and military equipment to India. We are selling less, because we are gradually moving towards s joint production in India. Russia and India started out with BrahMos missiles, then diversified into the production of Kalashnikov assault rifles, and now India engages in manufacturing T-90 battle tanks under licence.
Let’s take a look at other areas of interest. There are other plans in addition to full-scale cooperation as part of the Intergovernmental Commission on Trade, Economic, Scientific, Technical and Cultural Cooperation. In December 2025, when President Putin visited New Delhi, a Programme for the Development of Strategic Areas of Russia-India Economic Cooperation to 2030 was adopted, covering high technologies and other areas of focus. A similar programme on military-technical cooperation to 2030 was signed as well. So, there are medium-term and long-term plans.
We are expanding cultural and humanitarian cooperation. Film festivals, cross-cultural weeks, and other bilateral cultural events are held alternately in Russia and India.
We regularly hold meetings involving representatives from academic communities of the two countries. Indian students come to study in Russia, and we strongly encourage this. Thus, Russia-India relations continue to remain one of the most important stabilising factors in the region and around the world.

Question: Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi talks about Viksit Bharat, a developed India by 2047. How do you see Russia contribute to that vision? What role can Russia play in India of tomorrow?
Sergey Lavrov: First and foremost, it is for Indians themselves to decide what they want their country to look like by the centenary of independence. Without a doubt, Prime Minister Narendra Modi is one of the most energetic leaders the world has ever known. He possesses great energy and channels it towards extremely important goals such as achieving maximum sovereignty across all spheres: the economy, the military, defence, culture, and the preservation of India’s civilisational wealth, which is unmatched by any other country. Eurasia is unique not only because it is the largest and richest continent. Our continent still has to play its role in stabilising the global situation. I digress, but it’s an important point.
There is no entity that would be common for entire Eurasia. There is the OSCE, ASEAN, the South Asian integration framework involving India, the SCO, and post-Soviet institutions such as the CIS, the EAEU, and the CSTO, but there is still no such thing as single umbrella entity. This doesn’t have to be necessarily an organisation, but at least some kind of a forum where all of Eurasia could engage in meaningful dialogue. This is largely accounted for by the fact that Europe has stuck to its neocolonial and colonial mindset and still wants to impose its rules on everyone. Following in the steps of the EU, NATO is also extending its reach across Eurasia, voicing its concern over developments in the South China Sea, the Taiwan Strait, Southeast Asia, and Northeast Asia.
Countries with great histories, great civilisations that have survived to this day and continue to evolve must at some point acknowledge their responsibility and take Eurasianism from its colonial or neocolonial past to a stage of partnership, mutual understanding, and overcoming status differences that persist in the minds of some of our Western colleagues, as well as fostering inter-civilisational dialogue. I believe Russia, India, and China have a special part to play in this process.
Returning to your question about what exactly India can achieve by 2047. First, that depends on the Indian people and on the determination of the Indian leadership, and Prime Minister Modi consistently demonstrates such determination. Even at an early stage, before 2047 was articulated as a goal, he introduced the Make in India concept. Russia was probably the first country not merely to take this concept into account in its practical dealings with India. We began producing BrahMos cruise missiles even before Make in India became an official motto and our Indian partners’ required operating pattern.
India is experiencing tremendous growth averaging, I think, around 7 percent annually for as long as Prime Minister Modi has been in office. The country needs large amounts of energy. We recently heard your prime minister call for electricity conservation in light of the Persian Gulf, or rather the Strait of Hormuz, crisis after the US-Israeli aggression against Iran.
But Russia has never been known for failing to fulfill its obligations to India or anyone else for that matter when it comes to energy supplies.
The Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant is our flagship project. It meets a significant share of India’s needs. Cooperation on the construction of new power units for this nuclear plant is continuing. Even so, India needs more. We continue supplying hydrocarbons such as gas, oil, and coal.
In addition to nuclear energy and hydrocarbons, we and our Indian friends engage in green energy. Given the scale of India’s growth, nothing will go to waste. I believe building energy-security potential that will remain reliable for many years to come is a wise approach. To reiterate, Russia values its reputation as a reliable supplier, cherishes it, and has never compromised it.
I mentioned military-technical cooperation earlier. India’s defence capability is an area of our relations where we have practically no secrets from our Indian friends. As I mentioned earlier, when India went independent, the West for many years did not want to cooperate in this sphere at all. Later, when it became interested in supplying weapons to India, it always did so carefully guarding its own secrets. We, however, do not keep any secrets from our Indian colleagues.

Question: When Rosneft and Lukoil came under sanctions, Indian oil imports from Russia dropped drastically. Was that a moment of concern in Moscow? Did that in any way change the way Moscow views New Delhi as a partner?
Sergey Lavrov: India had absolutely nothing to do with this. It was an unlawful and illegitimate decision by the United States. Moreover, Ukraine was used as a pretext.
President Trump has repeatedly argued that Ukraine was Joe Biden’s war, not his. We appreciate the fact that President Trump initiated dialogue with us and with President Putin. We have communicated at the levels of heads of the US State Department and our Foreign Ministry, and the Aide to the President of Russia holds meetings with President Trump’s special representative. Many good words are being said about the enormous potential for mutually beneficial, modern, technological, energy-related, and other projects between Russia and the United States.
However, nothing is happening in real life. Aside from this regular dialogue - which is normal in relations between people and countries - everything else follows the pattern initiated by President Biden. The sanctions imposed under him have remained in force. Moreover, the Trump administration has adopted its own initiatives in order to punish Russia’s economy.
You mentioned Lukoil and Rosneft. The goal – and no one is trying to hide it – is to make these companies leave international business altogether. In fact, the United States has adopted a series of doctrinal documents, one of which proclaims that the United States must dominate global energy markets.
Take Venezuela, for instance. Nobody is even mentioning now that the operation carried out by the United States was supposedly aimed at dismantling a narcotics network allegedly run by President Nicolas Maduro. Now everyone is openly saying that Venezuela is cooperating with the United States and that its national oil company is coordinating its future activities with the United States.
The Strait of Hormuz is another case in point. According to President Trump, the aggression against Iran began because, Iran had terrorised everyone across the board for 47 years. But until February 28, 2026, the Strait of Hormuz was open to traffic, and the whole world used this waterway which accounted for bringing one-fifth of all energy to the global markets. Now the Americans are demanding that the Strait of Hormuz be reopened. But it was never closed. It is always important to look at what lies beneath.
Back to Russia on international markets. Efforts are being made to push Lukoil and Rosneft out of the global, including African, markets. These companies, especially Lukoil, but Rosneft too, operated multiple facilities in North Africa and elsewhere.
The same applies to the Balkan markets, where our companies also operated successfully.
If we look at other regions, I already mentioned Venezuela, with which Rosneft cooperated extensively. Now the Americans want to take that business over. It is unlikely to remain cooperation among peers.
Look at the Americans planning to reinstate the Nord Stream pipelines that were blown up. Under Biden, the Americans claimed that these pipelines would never go into operation again. Now they blame Ukrainians for blowing them up (three out of the four pipelines were damaged), and the Americans want to buy out the share previously owned by European companies.
They want to purchase it at roughly one-tenth of what the Europeans paid for it. If they succeed, they will force the Germans to reclaim their national dignity and say fine, we will use this pipeline again. However, the prices will no longer be based on agreements between Russia and Germany. Prices will instead be dictated by the Americans, who will have bought the pipeline from the Europeans.
They also want – they’ve been open about it – to take control of the transit gas pipeline running from Russia to Europe across Ukraine in order to control these flows as well. So their goal is entirely clear: they want to bring every significant energy supply route under their control.
I am confident that India is fully cognisant of what is happening. This is not the kind of force majeure that the Europeans constantly invoke when turning down contracts for Russian energy supplies out of hand. They are now trying to ban our gas and oil supplies simply because they want to punish Russia. As you may be aware, we never punish anyone and always fulfill our obligations to our partners in good faith regardless of whether we are dealing with friendly or not so friendly countries. Once we strike an agreement, Russia traditionally honours its commitments under any deal.
Western traditions are very different. They are quite fond of cancelling history and agreements, come up with excuses to once again live at the expense of others, and punish, punish, and punish. As the birthplace of colonialism, Europe has largely lost these capabilities. Now the United States is fully demonstrating them, plunging Europe into a deep energy and food crisis.
Europe will probably be impacted more than anyone else by the crisis in the Strait of Hormuz. Beyond that, bans on Russian gas and oil imports mean switching to US liquefied natural gas, which is dramatically more expensive. European budgets will therefore come under an even heavier strain, on top of the hundreds of billions of euros Europe is pouring into Ukraine for it to continue the European-driven aggression against Russia.
Incidentally, when European leaders are foaming at the mouth defending their stance and declaring that Ukraine is on the cusp of victory and that Russia will suffer a strategic defeat, while celebrating another €90 billion allocated to Ukraine, I just wonder whether their parliaments know how much more expensive energy has become for European consumers now that it comes from entirely different sources instead of cheap Russian oil and gas.
But I can guarantee that India’s interests as they apply to Russian supplies will not suffer. We will do everything to ensure that this unfair and dishonest competition does not damage our agreements.
It is also important to keep the broader picture in mind. The Nord Stream pipelines have been blown up. Now we are witnessing an aggression in the Strait of Hormuz. Word is out that the Bab-el-Mandeb Strait could also become a zone of confrontation, and the ensuing damage to global energy markets would be immeasurable. In this regard, both in our relations with India and in the broader Eurasian context – within the framework of the SCO – it is important for us to develop solutions that ensure protection against the risks posed by such aggressive moves by Western countries aimed at breaking up the global economy and subordinating it to their self-serving interests.
Two years ago, when Russia chaired BRICS – now India holds the chairmanship – we proposed a number of initiatives precisely aimed at creating independent settlement and payment infrastructure. These included a cross-border payment initiative, a BRICS grain exchange, a new investment platform, and an entity to reinsure trade risks. Until recently, all these areas were completely monopolised by Western institutions. But by gradually developing infrastructure and mechanisms protected from arbitrary interference, and by increasing settlements in national currencies rather than dollars and euros, we are creating guarantees for future growth.
India’s plans to 2047 need such a safety net, because today the collective West may dislike what Russia and China are doing. Tomorrow, any other country could end up in their place. The Eurasian countries, including the Arab Gulf states, are closely watching how the Americans are dealing with their problems. They are concerned about what will happen when Washington’s wrath is directed at a country that can hardly be thought of as their target today. Everyone is concerned about this.
We need to move forward. I hope that the issue of creating secure mechanisms, supply chains, and settlement platforms will be one of the central themes at the BRICS foreign ministers’ meeting beginning on May 14, as well as at the BRICS summit in India in September. Right now, this is on the list of the most urgent tasks.

Question: Because of the escalation in the Strait of Hormuz, they are pushing several Asian countries, including Japan, to increase their Russian oil imports. How do you view this shift especially given the Western pressure on these countries to not buy Russian oil at all?
Sergey Lavrov: Pressing everyone into not buying Russian oil is a dirty tactic. You can describe it in different ways – colonial or neocolonial – but these are methods of exploitation. Deep down, they are designed to strong arm everyone into buying expensive US oil and liquefied natural gas rather than cheap Russian oil. In this way, they seek to rule the world through controlling global energy supplies.
Not everyone is yielding to this pressure, though. India has firmly and repeatedly stated that it will independently decide from whom and in what volumes it will buy its energy. It was rumoured occasionally that an unidentified Indian buyer had refused to buy oil from tanker carrying Russian oil. To reiterate, India has clearly stated its position.
The Japanese have also addressed this issue. Their new foreign minister, Toshimitsu Motegi, made it clear that Japan would continue to exert pressure on Russia and remain one with its Western partners, but doing without Russian oil is a challenge for them. If they are willing to buy from us... We have never turned the economy or existing agreements into political tools.

Question: The blockade of the Strait of Hormuz has driven up global oil prices. Does this reflect a larger pattern where Western countries start conflicts and the Global South pays the price?
Sergey Lavrov: This point is certainly valid, but the main factor was the US push to control as many sources and shipping routes as possible which was exploited by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. At one point he admitted that he had been waiting for long decades for Washington to become convinced of the need to attack, defeat, and destroy Iran. Ultimately, though, consumers are on the receiving end of it, that’s true.
One of the principles of globalisation promoted for many years by the US-led West has been destroyed. That principle concerned dialogue between energy producers and consumers. Such dialogue unfolded, among other places, within the G20. OPEC+ has always been mindful of the buyers’ interests and maintained a trust-based conversation with them. Now all of that is being dismantled so that one actor alone can dominate these markets. At least the Trump administration is open about it. All countries should learn the lesson.
With regard to how the global economy will take it, experts are already arguing that even if the conflict ended now, it would hardly be possible to bring things to pre-war levels before the end of 2026. If it continues for several more weeks or months, the horizon for recovery from the crisis will move even further away.

Question: During the India-Pakistan conflict, when drones, missiles, jets, S-400 systems were in play, the world reacted, and so did Russia. But if I may, many in India expected a stronger response or a stronger show of support from Russia, given the depth of this relationship. How did you, Mr Foreign Minister, view the conflict?
Sergey Lavrov: Since Soviet times, we have consistently sought to help India and Pakistan overcome the differences that inevitably arose following the collapse of the British Empire and the emergence of its former territories, including India and Pakistan, and later Bangladesh, as independent states.
After the dissolution of the USSR, we ourselves faced numerous challenges in relations with our neighbours. Although these problems did not emerge immediately, they became increasingly apparent over time. We also remember well how the West sought to dismantle what remained of the Soviet Union and even the Russian Federation itself, doing everything possible to turn the former Soviet republics against Russia.
I do not rule out the possibility that external factors are also playing a significant role in India’s relations with its neighbours. The West would prefer that countries in the region remain preoccupied with disputes among themselves rather than focus on the task we discussed today – the development of Eurasian continental integration. Such integration does not align with Western interests. Instead, the West seeks to shape its own order in Eurasia, creating various formats and groupings “quads,” “trios,” and others.
When the terrorist attack took place in April 2025, President of Russia Vladimir Putin was among the first world leaders to strongly condemn it and convey his sincere condolences to the leadership and people of India. We have always viewed developments in India with great sympathy. Unfortunately, the country has repeatedly faced natural disasters and terrorist attacks, and such events never leave us indifferent.
During that period, we sought to help ease the crisis and facilitate some form of dialogue. I held discussions with both Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar and Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar.
At the same time, we understand the position of our Indian friends that these matters should primarily be addressed through bilateral relations – as is also the case with China. India is not interested in external mediation or any form of outside tutelage. We fully respect this approach and consider it both understandable and reasonable.
As for what more could have been done, I would ask for a concrete example. What exactly is meant by that? Terrorist attacks occur in many countries around the world, and Russia itself has experienced more than enough of them. Recently, Ukrainian terrorist attacks on Russian territory have been especially provocative, with drones and missiles deliberately directed at residential areas where there are no military facilities. In such situations, we hear sincere words of sympathy and support from our friends. If our partners believe that additional steps could be taken… we cannot impose ourselves. But we are open to hearing any requests or proposals they may have.

Question: The chairmanship of BRICS rotates every year, and it’s India’s turn now. You’re going to be in New Delhi very soon. What does Russia expect from BRICS under India’s presidency this year?
Sergey Lavrov: BRICS originated from the RIC “trio” of Russia, India, and China. It later expanded with the inclusion of Brazil and South Africa, and what began as a group of five has now grown into a “ten.” Each country holding the chairmanship naturally brings its own national perspective to the agenda.
In defining its priorities, India has focused on goals that, first, reflect its national interests, including progress towards the objectives set for 2047; second, uphold the principle of consensus, which remains indispensable within BRICS; and third, ensure continuity in the group’s work and development.
I have already mentioned the decision adopted at the Kazan summit to develop settlement, payment, reinsurance, and exchange mechanisms that would be independent of the arbitrary restrictions and political whims of our Western colleagues. India is committed to continuing this work, although it will naturally require time. The Indian side has presented a highly active agenda across all three key dimensions of BRICS: trade, economic, and financial cooperation; political and security issues; as well as cultural and humanitarian interaction. A wide range of initiatives and events is planned in each of these areas, and I have no doubt that they will further strengthen and enrich the BRICS framework.

Question: Islamabad is mediating between Washington and Tehran, or at least trying to. While BRICS includes Iran, it includes the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and the mediation is happening elsewhere entirely. Missed opportunity for BRICS, Mr Foreign Minister?
Sergey Lavrov: What a strange thing to hear from someone representing a country chairing BRICS.
If our Indian friends are interested, I think we would only welcome if BRICS could play a proactive role in helping overcome the crisis in the Strait of Hormuz. We are not chairing BRICS, but as participants in BRICS we suggested drafting a statement. However, irreconcilable differences emerged between Iran and the UAE while we worked on coordinating the draft, which prevented this statement from materialising.
I think that at the Ministerial Meeting, which is scheduled to open the day after tomorrow in New Delhi, if the chair proposes to come back to the topic and discuss it on its merits while setting emotions aside by focusing on the root causes of the current developments, we would support an initiative of this kind.
Let me reiterate that recalling the root causes is always instrumental. The West excels at disregarding them, as we can see. We have experienced this during the Ukraine crisis. The West organised a government coup in 2014 which violated an agreement signed just a day before that, despite the EU acting as its guarantor. And that agreement was cancelled by staging a bloody government coup. All citizens of Crimea and Donbass who did not agree with the government coup were declared terrorists and had to endure a war against them. Crimea held a referendum later in 2014. The West immediately labelled it as an annexation of Crimea, which signalled the start to the Ukrainian war. We started to explain that Crimea simply refused to live under the authority of those who used Western weapons and Western money to illegally seize power, but they are unwilling to hear it.
By the same token, when we are discussing the situation in the Strait of Hormuz at the UN Security Council, the United States says that we need to condemn Iran. We are saying that Iran is responding to something, after all. Our position consists of designating the root cause by saying that it was an unprovoked aggression against Iran. But they are attempting to persuade certain Arab countries of a different logic, claiming that these are two different wars.
They suggest that the war waged by the United States and Israel against Iran is a just war because they are seeking to destroy the nuclear bomb, though, first, no such bomb exists, and second, in June 2025, President Trump already claimed that all Iranian nuclear stockpiles of Iran had been annihilated. Now they are once again on a quest to get rid of the nuclear issue. As for the second war, it is a matter of Iran waking up one day and sealing off the Strait of Hormuz.
You know, in the Soviet Union, people would always whisper in their kitchens about how primitive Soviet propaganda was. But I believe that it was way ahead of what we are hearing right now from the Western ideologists who are trying to justify the atrocities happening right now.
I believe that BRICS offers quite a fitting platform for launching initiatives. We will see how it pans out.
Sometimes it seems that there is overwhelming desire to advance without facing any major hurdles. Let me share a secret with you without going into details. When preparing materials for the BRICS foreign ministers’ meetings, for example, we tend to list all global challenges, and BRICS countries reaffirm their position on the key crisis situations across the globe. There was a proposal to have BRICS countries reaffirm their position in favour of the two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian issue – but it ran into massive resistance recently, although there was nothing special about it, just business as usual. No one questioned this position before.
It means that all of the efforts that are being taken right now on Venezuela, Iran, Cuba, Greenland, and now Canada – it was also mentioned as one of the upcoming issues on the agenda – all of these issues are moving us away from settling the most protracted, the most negative crisis in the world – that is, the crisis around Palestine.
Now we are all talking about creating the State of Palestine. However, Israel said that a Palestinian state should never exist. President Trump launched his own initiative about the Gaza Strip, but not to create a state of Palestine there.
We are now talking about establishing a Palestinian state. But Israel said that there will never be a Palestinian state of any kind. President Trump has put forward his own initiative regarding the Gaza Strip. But it was not designed to bring about the creation of a Palestinian state. He did not even mention the West Bank. His proposal was aimed at creating a recreational zone there, an entertainment venue, a casino.
The very notion of justice is about to vanish from the discourse, as they say, even if no one has cancelled the UN resolutions. This is also related to the root causes. There is this willingness to forget the root causes and change the agenda by reframing it in a way that would enable the West to promote its global development concept in general in an effort to make sure that the entire world remains dependent on the Western tenets, Western energy, and Western financial institutions.
We have never suggested that BRICS focuses on placing any condemnations at the centre of its work. Still, BRICS represents a constructive alternative; this platform deserves our appreciation and we must treasure it by reinforcing it from year to year and promoting our positive vision, our experience, and our actual efforts.

Question: The last few months, Western commentators, they are constantly labelling the BRICS bloc as fragmented and fractured – all that because of a lack of consensus on Iran. But do you think, Mr Foreign Minister, that the absence of consensus or a joint statement signals failure?
Sergey Lavrov: These days, words don’t mean much. Actions are what count. Our American colleagues themselves prove that words do not need to be overthought – it is real action that matters, and we can all see what that looks like. So if BRICS’s role in the Strait of Hormuz crisis is just about issuing a statement, then no – that’s not what we mean.
For us, BRICS is a platform. Representatives of two “camps” (if I can call them that) are present at the table: Iran and the United Arab Emirates. Both are very close strategic partners of ours. For many years, we have been promoting a Collective Security Concept for the Persian Gulf Region that includes all the Arab monarchies and the Islamic Republic of Iran.
I have no doubt that when plans to stir up aggression against Iran were being hatched, one of the goals was to prevent the normalisation of relations between Iran and the Arab states. More broadly, I remember how, years ago, King Abdullah II of Jordan held a summit on Sunni-Shia reconciliation. Now, everything is being done to ensure that reconciliation never happens – to paint Iran, one of the major Shia countries, as a true pariah, and to pull its other Gulf neighbours into structures that, first, will not focus on resolving the Palestinian issue, and second, will force them to betray the Palestinian cause as the price for normalising relations with Israel.
I am convinced of this not just because we are formalists who insist on implementing UN resolutions on a Palestinian state for their own sake. I have no doubt that without a Palestinian state, we will perpetuate a hotbed of extremism for decades to come – one that will harm everyone, including Israel and its Arab neighbours. Because Israel, as we know, responds disproportionately to extremism and terrorist attacks. That would be a perpetual motion machine – an irritant keeping the crisis in its hot phase for years. I think many people understand this. Israel, with US support, wants to break the Palestinian settlement and turn it into something else, scattering Palestinians across the globe – to Indonesia, Somalia, maybe even India. We have not received any offers yet. We are returning to the days when everything was decided by force, when no one respected international law. President Trump recently said he has no interest in international law.
I see that as a very constructive alternative – to promote normal, mutually respectful relations through BRICS, with the goal of finding a balance of interests without antagonising anyone. And most importantly, this should not even be seen as an alternative, but just as something that should be on our agenda.

Question: India and China remain divided by border tensions – there was no face to face for some five long years until Kazan, hosted by President Putin. When you saw Mr Modi and Mr Xi shake hands in the very cold Kazan, how did you, Mr Foreign Minister, feel personally? Because you’d assume so much went behind the scenes. Did Moscow work some quiet magic?
Sergey Lavrov: We never tried to push any agreements or meetings on anyone. We were simply glad that the leaders of two of our closest friends, neighbours and strategic partners met in Kazan by mutual agreement. We were happy to provide the venue. I hope that conversation was useful. At the very least, after that conversation, border talks resumed (and are still ongoing) following the well-known conflict. A lot of those agreements have already been reached. I have spoken with my colleague, Indian External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, as well as with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, and they confirm that progress is being made and negotiations continue.
There will be another BRICS summit, where the two leaders may well be together again. If the host country has the opportunity for bilateral talks with individual participants – including the Chinese President – I think that will be seen very positively by all.
I mentioned RIC (Russia–India–China) a little earlier – a “troika” (trio) first proposed by my great predecessor, Minister, and later Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov back in 1998. Since then, there have been nearly 20 foreign ministers’ meetings, but not in the last five years. First the COVID-19 [pandemic] hit, then the border conflict between India and China occurred. I think it would make perfect sense to resume Russia–India–China meetings, at least at ministerial level. I still remember how constructive the conversations in that format always were.
Beyond bilateral dialogue between New Delhi and Beijing, broader platforms – RIC, BRICS, the SCO – are also helping to build trust and foster a sense that we all belong to the same great Eurasian continent.

Question: If I asked you to describe India-Russia in one word, what would that be, Mr Foreign Minister? But also: what would the wider world lose if India and Russia drifted apart – and what would it gain if they stayed closely aligned?
Sergey Lavrov: There isn’t just one word for these relations. Not because human languages aren’t rich enough, but because it is hard to imagine a relationship so full and deep. A situation where our paths diverge simply does not exist – it is unthinkable. We began our conversation with the very foundation of Russian-Indian relations: friendship.
“Hindi Rusi bhai bhai” – that’s not just a fun slogan to chant; it has become part of our culture. Indian cinema, Raj Kapoor, more recent television series and films – they are immensely popular in Russia, everywhere, in every corner. The economy, joint energy production, military cooperation, nuclear and other forms of energy, cultural and humanitarian ties, and a high-level political dialogue marked by unprecedented trust – all of it is rock solid.
And most importantly, as I said, there are the feelings our peoples have for each other. So anyone worried about the future of Russia-India friendship can rest assured. We must always be aware of the threats that some are posing to our relations, trying to undermine them, creating closed structures, and making attempts to impose their own rules on how to deal with Russia. We see all of that, and so do our Indian friends. That makes it all the more valuable that those attempts keep failing.